University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


Copyright,  1  9  1  3,  by  Harris  &  Ewing 

WOODROW  WILSON, 
President  of  the  United  States. 


MEXICO  AND  THE 
UNITED  STATES 


A  Story  of  Revolution 
Intervention  and  War 


BY 

FREDERICK  $TARR 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO 


Illustrated  with  photograpJis  and  maps 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE    BIBLE   HOUSE 

443  S.  DEARBORN  STREET 
CHICAGO 


COPYRIGHT,  1914, 

BY 
THE  BIBLE  HOUSE. 


53-77 


THIS   BOOK 
UPON   MEXICO  AND   THE  UNITED   STATES 

IS  DEDICATED   TO 

DK.    OTTO   L.   SCHMIDT 

AS  A  MARK  OF  APPRECIATION 

AND  A  TOKEN   OF   REGARD 

BY 
THE   AUTHOR. 


YJiAKniJ 


Photograph  by  Koeh 


FREDERICK  STARR. 


PREFACE 

Asked  to  write  a  book  on  Mexico,  I  do  so  gladly.  I  know 
Mexico  from  an  experience  of  twenty  years ;  I  love  the  land  and 
people.  .But  there  are  as  many  different  Mexicos  as  there  are 
observers. 

This  book  does  not  pretend  to  be  a  history  of  Mexico.  There 
are  many  such  already  written,  and  they  are  easily  accessible. 
It  must,  however,  have  a  thread  of  history  running  through  it 
to  connect  the  different  stories,  and  to  make  them  compre- 
hensible. It  is  an  effort  to  show  how  and  why  recent 
occurrences  happened.  It  endeavors  to  explain  why  the 
present  turmoil  in  Mexico,  the  tendency,  the  outcome. 

The  book  begins  with  the  Centennial  Celebration  of  1910. 
It  marked  the  culmination  of  one  hundred  years  of  national 
life.  It  marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  and  great  political  move- 
ment. It  is  inevitable  that  the  speeches,  books,  processions, 
celebrations,  of  the  month  of  September  should  produce  the 
revolution  which  followed.  Aquiles  Serdan  was  the  martyr 
whose  death  ushered  in  a  new  era. 

Having  marked  the  culmination  of  the  development  inau- 
gurated by  the  man  of  iron,  it  is  necessary  to  know  the  material 
from  which  and  the  foundation  on  which  his  nation  was  con- 
structed. Fundamentally,  the  Mexican  is  Aztec — or  similar 
Indian.  And  Aztec  Mexico  furnished  the  material  for  all  later 
development.  To  know  and  understand  this  is  fundamental. 
The  old  Indian  was  conquered  by  the  Spanish  soldier,  but  he 
was  also  conquered  by  the  Spanish  priest.  Following  the  mili- 
tary and  religious  conquest  of  the  country  came  the  long  period 
of  Spain's  control,  the  glorious  century  and  after.  The  charac- 
teristic features  of  the  social  and  political  life  of  New  Spain 
were  necessarily  fixed  by  the  old  Indian  and  the  new  Spanish 
elements.  Vice-royal  rule  continued  the  divided,  local,  dis- 

1 


2  PREFACE 

organized  character  of  the  past, — personal  politics  and  super- 
stitious submission  to  religious  control.  There  was  no  unifying 
movement,  no  middle  class.  The  very  rich,  the  very  poor,  they 
alone  were  present. 

With  the  great  liberal  movement  of  the  early  nineteenth 
century  in  Europe,  there  began  a  corresponding  liberal  move- 
ment in  the  New  World.  The  story  of  the  independence 
struggle  abounds  in  interesting  and  romantic  episodes.  But  it 
still  repeats  the  old  conditions.  It  was  not  a  unifying  move- 
ment. It  developed  no  middle  class.  The  very  rich  and  the 
very  poor  alone  remained.  Leaders  were  impelled  too  often 
by  personal  ambition.  Once  in  power,  they  forgot  principles 
and  betrayed  their  cause.  With  the  achievement  of  inde- 
pendence a  real  struggle  for  principle  emerges.  Iturbide, 
Santa  Anna,  the  War  with  the  United  States,  Benito  Juarez 
Maximilian, — these  words  all  suggest  a  movement  in  the  direc- 
tion of  real  government.  Mexico  was  striving  for  better  things. 
The  common  people  were  awaking.  There  was  still,  however, 
but  the  beginning  of  a  middle  class ;  there  was  still  the  curse  of 
personal  politics  and  a  heavy  burden  of  ecclesiasticism. 

Then  came  Porfirio  Diaz.  He  led  his  nation  in  material 
progress,  and  for  a  long  period  ruled  in  peace.  He  made 
errors,  fundamental  errors.  His  Mexico  was  too  largely  fair 
on  the  outside.  His  schools  did  something ;  the  pity  is  he  failed 
to  realize  it.  In  order  to  create  a  nation  of  ambassadorial 
rank  he  left  his  people  ignorant,  suspicious,  divided, — Indians 
and  peons.  The  impressive  structure  which  he  reared  fell  like 
a  house  of  cards.  The  new  gospel  preached  by  Madero  led  to 
a  successful  revolution. 

It  is  particularly  to  the  period  from  the  time  when  the  Diaz 
power  tottered  that  this  book  is  devoted.  It  is  its  purpose  to 
show  why  Diaz  failed;  why  Francisco  I.  Madero  succeeded  in 
revolution  and  failed  miserably  in  government ;  why  there  have 
been  seven  or  eight  revolutions  since  1910;  why  Mexico  hates 
us ;  why  Huerta  is  in  power ;  and  why  we  should  refrain  from 
meddling  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico. 


PREFACE  3 

Mexico  and  the  United  States  are  neighbors;  they  differ 
from  each  other  markedly;  they  represent  and  will  continue  to 
represent  different  forms  of  government;  they  may  both  be 
great  nations  in  the  future.  They  should  be  friends. 


FEBRUARY,  1913— AND  BEFORE  AND  AFTER. 
BUT  THERE  ARE  OUTRAGES  AGAINST  CIVILIZATION  ELSEWHERE. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


THE  CENTENNIAL, 


A  GREAT  OCCASION — THE  FOREIGN  REPRESENTATIVES PERMANENT  IMPROVEMENTS 

— AN  INSTRUCTIVE  EXPOSITION THE  COMMERCIAL,  PROCESSION A  CURIOUS 

RELIC    OF    THE    REVOLUTION — A    PICTURESQUE    CELEBRATION — FLAG    DAY — 

THE       MAKTYR      CADETS CONGRESS      OF       AMERICANISTS INTERNATIONAL 

COURTESY — A    DANGER    SIGNAL     . 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 


THE    HUMBOLDT    MONUMENT — THE    EDITORIAL    GUESTS — THE    NATIONAL    HOLIDAYS 

CIVIC   PROCESSION — HISTORICAL   PAGEANT — THE  GRITO   OF   INDEPENDENCE 

— THE     MILITARY     PARADE — JAPANESE     EXPOSITION — SPLENDID     ILLUMINA- 
TION— TORCH-LIGHTS       AND       CHORUS — A       CITY       OF       MONUMENTS NEW 

NATIONAL   UNIVERSITY — A   TRIO   OF    SENTIMENTAL   FUNCTIONS — THE   PRESI- 
DENT IN  THE  CENTENNIAL THE  COST  OF  CELEBRATION ;  .  53 

AQUILES  SEEDAN 

A  BAD  GOVERNOR AN  OPPRESSED  PEOPLE — BUTCHER  CABRERA ARNULFO  ARROYO 

INCIDENT A  STORY  OF  CABRERA — THE  FIRST  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REVOLU- 
TION— THE  SEARCH;  DEATH  OF  CABRERA — THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTA  CLARA 

STREET — CARMEN  SERDAN THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  SERDAN  HOUSE — THE 

HIDDEN  LEADER — JOY  IN  PUEBLA A  PENDENT  TO  THE  CENTENNIAL 73 


THE  IEON  HAND 

THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  DIAZ — HIS   MILITARY  CAREER BATTLING  AGAINST  THE  ARMY 

OF    INTERVENTION — DURING    THE    EMPIRE — ESCAPE    FROM    PRISON LEADER 

OF    OPPOSITION TROUBLE    WITH    LERDO    DE    TEJADA — PRESIDENT    FOR    THE 

FIRST    TIME — ADMINISTRATION    OF    MANUEL   GONZALES — DIAZ    RETURNED    TO 
POWER — MEXICO,    A   COUNTRY   OF   AMBASSADORIAL   RANK — ENCOURAGEMENT 

OF     PROGRESS THE     PIUS      CLAIMS — RESUMPTION     OF     RELATIONS      WITH 

AUSTRO-HUNGARY — EXPRESSION    REGARDING    THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE 85 

AZTEC  MEXICO 

THE   MARKS    OF   CIVILIZATION — THE   MIGRATION    STORY DAILY    LIFE   OF    AZTECS — 

AZTEC  ARCHITECTURE — ARTS   OF   LIFE — EDUCATION   AND    ART — THE    NATURE 

OF  THE  AZTECS — A  BLOODY  WORSHIP THE  NEW   FIRE  SECULAR   CEREMONY 

— THE  BOUNDS    OF   EMPIRE — WHAT    CORTES    FOUND 101 

THE  CONQUEST 

HERNAN  CORTES — EXPEDITION  TO  MEXICO — PLAN  OF  CONQUEST — THE  TLAXCALANS 
— ARRIVAL  AT  TENOCHTITLAN — SUPPRESSION  OF  PLOT  OF  NARVAEZ — A 
CRITICAL  SITUATION — BATTLE  OF  OTUMBA — THE  LAST  STRUGGLE — CORTES 
IN  CHARGE — CAUSES  OF  EASY  CONQUEST 113 


ii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

GUADALUPE 

THE  RELIGIOUS  CONQUEST — THE  STORY  OF  THE  VIRGIN  OF  GUADALUPE — THE 
NATION  'S  PATRON — DECEMBER  12  IN  MEXICO THE  CROWNING  OF  THE  VIR- 
GIN — ALTAMIRANO  >S  VERDICT  125 

THE  GLOEIOUS  CENTUEY— AND  AFTER 

RELIGIOUS      ORGANIZATION — SIXTEENTH      CENTURY      CULTURE — BOOK      PRINTING 

INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION — MEXICO  UNDER  THE  VICEROYS — MATERIAL  DEVEL- 
OPMENT— SPAIN'S  POLICY — DISCRIMINATION  AGAINST  CREOLES — EDUCA- 
TION NEGLECTED RELIGIOUS  SITUATION — VASSALAGE  AND  SLAVERY — 

— MAKE-UP    OF    THE    POPULATION 133 

A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 

TROUBLES  IN  SPAIN COMPLAINTS  CF  THE  COLONISTS — THE  FIRST  MARTYR,  VERDAD 

CURA   HIDALGO THE    CRY   OF    INDEPENDENCE — CAPTURE   OF   GUANAJUATO 

— CONDITIONS  IN  THE  CAPITAL — THE  BATTLE  OF  LAS  CRUCES — HIDALGO 
FLEES  TO  GUADALAJARA — PUNISHMENT  OF  GUANAJUATO THE  NEW  GOV- 
ERNMENT  THE  BATTLE  AT  THE  BRIDGE — THE  END  OF  HIDALCiO 'S  REVOLU- 
TION— MEXICAN  CRUELTY  145 

STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY 

THE    SECOND    PERIOD;     MORELOS — CONGRESS    ORGANIZED — FATE    OF    MATAMORAS — 

ITURBIDE,    THE    TERRIBLE THE    THIRD    PERIOD — MINA THE    FINAL    STAGE; 

GUERRERO DEFECTION    OF    ITURBIDE — SUCCESS    OF    THE    REVOLUTION 157 

PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR 

THE    REAL    CONDITIONS — ITURBIDE    FOR    INDEPENDENCE — THE    THREE    GUARANTEES 

— TREATY      OF      CORDOBA — TRIUMPHAL      ENTRY      INTO       MEXICO ITURBIDE 

CROWNED   EMPEROR — REVOLUTION    AGAIN DEATH    OF    ITURBIDE 165 

SANTA  ANNA 

VICTORIA  GUADALUPE — PLAN  OF  MONTANO — MASONRY  IN  MEXICO SANTA  ANNA 

AGAIN — GUERRERO'S  FAILURE — SANTA  ANNA  IN  A  CONSTITUTIONAL  ROLE 

MANGO  DE  CLAVO — A  REAL  LIBERAL CENTRALIZATION  POLICY IN  FULL 

CONTROL — IN  THE  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES — SERENE  HIGHNESS 

PLAN   OF   AYOTLA 173 

WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 

SECESSION    OF    TEXAS ANNEXATION     BY     THE    UNITED     STATES WAR     BEGUN     BY 

THE  UNITED  STATES COURSE  OF  THE  WAR — SANTA  ANNA  'S   PART NATURE 

OF    THE    WAR — RESULTS    OF    THE    WAR 185 

THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

THE   POLICIES   OF  GOMEZ    FARIAS PROGRESSIVE  LAWS — NEW    CONSTITUTION — THE 

OPPOSITION — BENITO  JUAREZ — FLIGHT  OF  THE  LIBERAL  GOVERNMENT — 
— EVENTS  AT  VERA  CRUZ— AGAIN  IN  CONTROL — EUROPEAN  INTERVENTION — 

MAXIMILIAN  'S  EMPIRE CHARACTER  OF  JUAREZ — A  SPECTACULAR  INCIDENT 

—AFTER    THE    EMPIRE 191 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  iii 

FAILURE  OF  EMPIEE 

GUTIERREZ  DE  ESTRADA — EUROPEAN  INTERVENTION — CONFERENCE  OF  ORIZABA — 
PURPOSE  OF  FRANCE — BATTLES  OF  PUEBLA — INVITATION  TO  MAXIMILIAN 
— FERDINAND  MAXIMILIAN — DECLINE  OF  EMPIRE — DECREE  OF  OCTOBER  3, 
1865 — THE  END  OF  EMPIRE 207 

MATERIAL  PROGRESS 

RAILROAD       DEVELOPMENT — MISTAKES — THE      TEHUANTEPEC      RAILWAY — FOREIGN 

CONTROL — HARBOR    IMPROVEMENT THE    DRAINAGE    CANAL — INSTITUTIONAL 

DEVELOPMENT — POST    OFFICE   AND    OPERA    HOUSE 219 

AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

TWO   PHASES   IN   THE   DIAZ   REGIME MATERIAL    DEVELOPMENT — THE   CIENETIFICOS 

- — LIMANTOUR AFTER     DIAZ,     WHAT? BERNARDO     REYES — A     CHANGE     IN 

PROGRAM — REYES  VERSUS  LIMANTOUR — RAMON  CORRAL  ENTERS — HIS  CHAR- 
ACTER  RETIREMENT   AND  EXILE  CF  REYES THE  END   OF  REYES 227 

A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

' '  BARBAROUS  MEXICO  ' ' — A  FLOCD  OF  ANSWER — TURNER 's  BOOK  TRUE — LAND  CON- 
FISCATION— PLANTATION  SLAVERY  IN  YUCATAN VALLE  NACIONAL — THE 

RAILWAY    DEAL AMERICAN     PARTNERSHIP    WITH    DIAZ WEAK    POINTS    IN 

' '  BARBAROUS     MEXICO.  "      239 

THE  NEW  GOSPEL 

THE  CREELMAN  INTERVIEW — LA  SUCESION  PRESIDENCIAL  EN  1910 — PERSONAL 
POLITICS — CONTINUANCE  IN  POWER — RESULTS  OF  MILITARISM THE  VICE- 
PRESIDENCY — QUESTION  CF  MATERIAL  PROGRESS — EFFECTS  OF  DIAZ  '  GOV- 
ERNMENT— FITNESS  OF  PEOPLE  FOR  DEMOCRACY MADERO  's  PROGRAM 253 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

MADERO 'S  CAMPAIGN RE-ELECTION  OF  DIAZ  AND  CORRAL — THREATENING  INCI- 
DENTS— THE  FIRST  BATTLE — REVOLUTION — THE  STRUGGLE  IN  CHIHUAHUA 

— CHANGE   OF    GOVERNOR — NEW    TACTICS HOPE    IN    LIMANTOUR — YIELDING 

ALONG  THE  WHOLE  LINE OVERTURES  FOR  PEACE — BELATED  CONCESSIONS 

ARMISTICE     AND     NEGOTIATIONS — THE     FALL     OF     CIUDAD      JUAREZ — WILD 
SCENES THE  RESIGNATION  OF  DIAZ — THE  PEACE  TREATY THE  FINAL  ACTS  .  .  .  259 

INDIAN  MEXICO 

MEXICAN  INDIANS  SUSPICIOUS — SUPERSTITIONS HOME  LIFE  OF  INDIANS — INDIAN 

CONSERVATISM IGNORANCE TRANSMISSION      OF      NEWS — THE      INDIAN'S 

DESIRE MISTAKEN       INDIAN       POLICY SEPARATED       AND       ISOLATED THE 

HOPE    OF    MEXICO    277 

THE  HOUSE  OF  CAKDS 

WIDESPREAD  DISSATISFACTION PREMONITORY  RUMBLINGS — THE  STORM   BURSTS 

AN  EYE-WITNESS — RESTRAINT  OF  THE  COMMON  PEOPLE — THE  FALL 289 


iv  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:   DE  LA  BAREA 

DE  LA  BARRA'S  ATTITUDE — A  MONGREL  CABINET — PROBLEMS  PRESSING — THE  DIS- 
ARMING OF  REVOLUTIONISTS — BANDITRY — LOCAL  OUTBREAKS — DEMANDS  OF 
FOREIGN  GOVERNMENTS — BREAK  BETWEEN  MADERO  AND  VASQUEZ  GOMEZ — 
SOCIALIST  REPUBLIC  IN  LOWER  CALIFORNIA — LABOR  TROUBLES — TROUBLE  IN 
PUEBLA — ZAPATISM — THE  FALL  ELECTIONS — REYES  AND  HIS  CAMPAIGN — 
RESULTS  OF  THE  ELECTION ATTITUDE  OF  THE  ARMY 297 

FEANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

UNDER  THE   NEW  REGIME — A   CHANCE  FOR   OPTIMISM — THE   COMPLAINTS    AGAINST 

MADERO — COUNTER-REVOLUTION — OROZCO REYES — VASQUEZ    GOMEZ — FELIX 

DIAZ — ZAPATA — THE    PRESIDENT  JS    CONFIDENCE 3  1  ?> 

HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 

HE  FALLS   UPRIGHT — WITH  HUERTA — WAREHOUSED   GOODS — COPYING — THE   EMPTY 

CHEST — A     DESPERATE     MEASURE THREATENING     VOLCANOES — A     USELESS 

PINE — BREAKING    THE    PINATA    32.'} 

PASCUAL  OROZCO 

RELATIONS     BETWEEN     MADERO     AND     OROZCO LACK     OF     DISCIPLINE;      MUTINY — 

A  POPULAR  HERO SEED  OF  DISCORD POLITICAL  AMBITION THE  COUNTER- 
REVOLUTION— HUERTA  IN  THE  FIELD OROZCO  REAPPEARS 335 

ZAPATISM 

QUESTION     OF    LAND     DISTRIBUTION — ATTEMPT    TO     DISBAND     ZAPATA 'S     FORCES 

RAMPANT  BANDITRY — ENCIRCLING  MOVEMENT  BALKED DESPERATE  SITUA- 
TION— EXCITEMENT  IN  CONGRESS — A  FERVID  ORATION — HUERTA  'S  CAM- 
PAIGN— UNDER  THE  MADERO  GOVERNMENT — SOURCE  OF  ZAPATISM — 
ZAPATISTS  IN  FEBRUARY,  1913 345 

ANTI-AMERICANISM 

WE  ARE  DIFFERENT — WE  DESIRE  TO  IMPROVE  OTHERS — THEY  KNOW   THE  WORLD 

MEXICAN  CITIES — CONSULS  AND  DIPLOMATS — OUR  LAND  HUNGER — THE 
EL  PASO  INCIDENT LATIN-AMERICAN  REVOLUTIONS — TWO  KINDS  OP  REVO- 
LUTIONS— EXPLOITATION — OUTSPOKEN  ANTI-AMERICANISM THE  MONROE 

DOCTRINE THE  FUNDAMENTAL  RIGHTS  OF  NATIONS TAFT'S  MOBILIZA- 
TION— HARD  PRESSED  FOR  EXPLANATION .'555 

THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 

A    TRIPLE    PLOT THE    FIRST    ATTEMPT THE     SECOND    EFFORT — THE    THIRD    AND 

FINAL    ATTEMPT THE    NINE    DAYS'     BATTLE THE    ARREST     OF     MADERO 

MURDER  OF  GUSTAVO  MADERO OFFICIAL   REPORT  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  MADERO 

AND  PINO  SUAREZ — BERNARDO  REYES — ANOTHER  VERSION  OF  THE  BATTLE — 

EFFECT  IN  MEXICO FELIX  DIAZ  MADE  TO  UNDERSTAND MADERO 'S  ERRORS 

— THE    QUESTION    OF   RECOGNITION 371 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  v 

HUERTA— AND  WILSON 

THE    CRISIS    IN    MADERO'S    RULE — HUERTA 's    WORK COST    OF    THE    NINE    DAYS' 

BATTLE TWO     RESULTS REVOLUTION      IN      THE     NORTH — CARRANZA     AND 

VILLA NORTH      VERSUS      SOUTH — ATTITUDE      OF      THE     UNITED      STATES — 

MR.    WILSON'S    STATEMENT GOOD    OFFICES JOHN    LIND  's    MISSION — THE 

DEMANDS — REPLY     OF      MEXICO AN     EXODUS      ORDERED — HUERTA 'S      COUP 

t          D'ETAT — SHUTTING  OFF  RESOURCES — MYSTERY  OF  PASS  CHRISTIAN — HALE 

AND  CARRANZA — THE  PRESENT  STATUS 387 

JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

OLD  RELATIONS  BETWEEN    JAPAN   AND    MEXICO JAPAN'S    COMMERCIAL  GROWTH — 

THE  SCARE  ABOUT  MAGDALENA  BAY — THE  JUSTICE  OF  JAPAN'S  POSITION — 

THE     MATTER    OF     THE     SPECIAL     ENVOY — THE     FIRST     APPOINTMENT THE 

SECOND    APPOINTMENT — FELIX    DIAZ — AND    FINALLY — DE    LA    BARRA 409 

WHAT  WILL  COME! 

WHERE    IS     THE     MAN — PORFIRIO     DIAZ ZAPATA — PASCUAL     OROZCO — "  PANCHO  " 

VILLA — FELIX   DIAZ — VASQUEZ    GOMEZ FEDERICO   GAMBOA DE   LA   BARRA — 

HUERTA — CARRANZA — THE    QUALITIES     NECESSARY 421 

INTERVENTION 

A     WILD     PROJECT — EFFECT     OF     ANNEXATION — COST     OF     WAR — WE     WILL     NOT 

COLONIZE      MEXICO PROTECTION      OF      INVESTMENTS — POSITION      OF      THE 

INVESTOR — A      MEXICAN      PROBLEM      ONLY A      MIDDLE      CLASS      NEEDED — 

PERSONAL   POLITICS — TYPE   OF    NATION   LIKELY 435 


ORDERED  TO  THE  BORDER,  FORT  BLISS. 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


A     GREAT     OCCASION THE     FOREIGN     REPRESENTATIVES PERMANENT 

IMPROVEMENTS AN  INSTRUCTIVE  EXPOSITION THE   COMMERCIAL 

PROCESSION A  CURIOUS  RELIC  OF  THE  REVOLUTION A  PIC- 
TURESQUE CELEBRATION FLAG  DAY THE  MARTYR  CADETS CON- 
GRESS OF  AMERICANISTS INTERNATIONAL  COURTESY A  DANGER 

SIGNAL. 

SEPTEMBEE,  1910,  must  long  be  remembered  for  the  bril- 
liant celebration  of  Mexico's  Centennial.  It  was  splendid 
pageantry.  The  world  participated  in  it,  and  the  world 
was  astonished  at  its  brilliancy.  The  Mexican  Eepublic  had 
looked  forward  to  it,  and  talked  of  it,  for  years.  Plan  after  plan 
had  been  proposed  and  discarded.  At  one  time  it  looked  as  if 
the  celebration  might  take  the  form  of  a  great  international 
exposition,  but  that  idea  was  abandoned.  It  was  finally  decided 
to  invite  the  world  to  come  as  guests  for  the  inspection  of  the 
condition  and  achievement  of  the  Eepublic.  The  Mexican  Ee- 
public was  desirous  of  proving  to  the  visitors  its  claim  of  being 
a  progressive  and  advancing  nation,  entitled  to  the  respect  and 
admiration  of  the  sister  nations  of  the  world. 

33 


34  THE  CENTENNIAL 

A  GEE  AT  OCCASION 

An  elaborate  program  of  events  to  cover  the  whole  month 
was  worked  out.  Arrangements  were  made  to  receive  and  care 
for  enormous  crowds  of  visitors.  A  whole  month  of  extra  vaca- 
tion was  granted  to  the  children  in  the  schools  that  they  might 
witness  the  great  object  lesson  in  national  patriotism.  The 
entire  country  united  in  the  celebration.  Every  station  on  every 
line  of  railroad  was  decorated  with  draperies  in  the  national 
colors,  with  flags,  and  with  escutcheons.  Throughout  the  month 
all  trains  reached  the  city  loaded  with  passengers.  Thousands 
of  young  fellows  born  from  mixed  parents  in  the  United  States, 
many  of  whom  had  never  seen  the  country  of  their  fathers 
before,  came  to  visit  the  land  where  one  or  the  other  parent  -was 
born.  Crowds  of  citizens  from  the  outlying  states,  who  had 
never  seen  the  Capital,  made  their  first  trip  to  the  great  city — 
many  times  taking  their  first  journey  on  a  railroad  train.  The 
hotels  were  crowded,  and  no  rooms  were  empty;  crowds  were 
turned  away  without  a  place  to  sleep ;  the  price  of  lodging  was 
doubled,  trebled ;  rooms  in  private  houses  were  held  at  stagger- 
ing rates;  prices  of  restaurants  soared  upward;  cocheros  con- 
sidered every  day  a  festival  and  collected  double  fares 
accordingly. 

The  city  itself  was  in  gala  dress  for  thirty  days.  Bunting 
and  flags  and  escutcheons  were  on  all  facades.  The  night  illumi- 
nations were  brilliant,  electric  lights  everywhere  repeating  the 
national  red,  white  and  green,  and  the  tinted  plaster  facing  of 
the  buildings  lending  itself  admirably  to  the  effect. 

THE  FOREIGN  REPRESENTATIVES 

The  first  great  spectacular  feature  was  the  arrival  and  recep- 
tion of  envoys  from  foreign  lands.  They  had  been  sent  by  their 
home  governments  to  participate  in  the  rejoicing.  Some  came 
\n  grandeur  in  war-vessels  of  their  national  navies.  In  some 
such  cases  commissions  of  welcome  went  to  the  coast  to  see,  to 
meet,  and  to  escort  them.  Whether  they  came  by  sea  or  land, 


THE  CENTENNIAL  35 

they  were  officially  received  on  entering  the  country.  Their  jour- 
ney toward  the  Capital  was  a  continual  ovation;  salutes  were 
fired,  bands  played,  flags  were  raised,  bells  were  rung,  to  wel- 
come them.  Three  grades  of  these  foreign  envoys  were  recog- 
nized— ambassadors,  special  envoys  with  rank  of  minister,  and 
delegates.  They  came  from  twenty-eight  different  nations, 
Italy,  Japan,  the  United  States,  Germany,  China,  Spain  and 
France  sent  ambassadors ;  special  envoys  with  rank  of  minister 
came  from  Honduras,  Austro-Hungary,  Cuba,  Costa  Rica,  Rus- 
sia, Portugal,  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Peru,  Panama,  Brazil,  Bel- 
gium, Chili,  Argentina,  Norway,  Ecuador  and  Uruguay;  dele- 
gates were  sent  from  Switzerland,  Venezuela  and  Columbia. 
The  ambassadorial  party  from  the  United  States,  headed  by 
ex-Governor  Guild  of  Massachusetts,  consisted  of  seventeen 
persons  of  whom  several  were  ladies.  Among  the  commission- 
ers were  Congressmen  Slayden  and  Foster,  Senator  Overman 
and  General  Harrison  Gray  Otis.  The  ambassadors  were  re- 
ceived in  a  body  by  President  Diaz,  the  function  being  the  most 
stately  diplomatic  event  in  the  national  history.  Each  ambas- 
sador made  a  speech  of  congratulation  on  behalf  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  to  each  the  President  made  an  appropriate 
response.  The  following  day  a  similar  reception  of  the  special 
envoys  of  ministerial  rank  took  place.  On  Wednesday  the  na- 
tional delegates  were  received.  Each  day  there  was  military 
escort,  band  music,  bunting,  gay  uniforms,  hurrahs.  Following 
these  diplomatic  receptions  a  splendid  reception  and  banquet 
was  given  by  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the  whole 
body  of  envoys.  The  decoration  and  illumination  were  magnifi- 
cent, the  guests  were  resplendant  in  uniforms  and  decorations. 
Probably  no  equally  brilliant  social  diplomatic  function  had  ever 
taken  place  in  North  America. 

PERMANENT    IMPROVEMENTS 

Less  spectacular  were  the  dedications,  foundings,  or  open- 
ings, of  philanthropic  and  ameliorative  institutions.  Never 
since  the  Conquest  has  Mexico  lacked  asylums  and  hospitals.  In 


36 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

GATHERING  TUNAS,  SAN"  JUAN  DE  TEOTIHUACAN— SITE  OF  FAMOUS 
PYRAMIDS— POPULATION  LARGELY  AZTEC— TUNAS  ARE  FRUIT  OF 
THE  PRICKLY  PEAR  CACTUS. 


THE  CENTENNIAL  37 

the  vice-royal  days  they  were  generally  foundations  due  to 
individual  piety  or  to  the  religious  orders.  The  story  of  these 
old  institutions  abounds  in  romance  and  pathos  and  devotion. 
But  the  new  Mexico  builds  state  establishments  and  utilizes  in 
them  all  that  science  and  experience  of  other  nations  offer. 
One  by  one  the  old  hospitals  and  asylums  and  public  prisons 
have  given  way  to  up-to-date  scientific  establishments.  The 
occasion  of  the  centennial  was  utilized  to  usher  a  group  of  them 
into  existence.  It  was  good  policy  to  show  the  world  that  Mexico 
plans  institutions  upon  the  finest  and  most  approved  standards. 
The  first  public  event  upon  the  month's  program  was  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  insane  asylum  at  Mixcoac;  the  President  of  the 
Eepublic  was  present  and  performed  the  act  of  dedication.  Two 
clays  later  Vice-president  Corral  laid  the  cornerstone  of  the 
great  general  prison.  Through  the  month  other  dedications 
and  inaugurations  proved  to  the  visitors  the  fact  that  Mexico 
was  up-to-date  in  the  matter  of  public  institutions. 

AN  INSTRUCTIVE  EXPOSITION 

Tending  to  the  same  demonstration  was  the  hygienic  exposi- 
tion which  proved  singularly  interesting  and  popular.  It  was 
open  through  the  whole  month,  free  to  all  visitors.  It  was  com- 
plete, well  arranged,  attractive  and  instructive,  and  would  do 
credit  to  any  nation.  It  represented  and  illustrated  the  food- 
supply  of  cities,  street  and  city  cleaning,  destruction  of  waste, 
systems  of  plumbing,  the  production  and  handling  of  food,  pub- 
lic markets,  source  and  transmission  of  disease,  disinfection, 
isolation  and  care  of  contagious  diseases,  and  the  like.  The 
practical  value  of  this  well  developed  exposition  is  evident  when 
one  remembers  Mexico's  peculiar  problems  of  valley  drainage, 
yellow  fever,  typhus,  mountain  water,  etc.  The  Mexicans  have 
always  been  famously  skilled  for  modeling  little  figures  of  na- 
tional types ;  this  art  was  here  employed  in  the  production  of 
groups  of  figures  which  taught  their  lesson  even  to  the  young 
and  ignorant.  By  such  groups  of  little  figures  the  old  crowded 
tenements,  filthy  breeding  places  of  disease,  were  contrasted 


38  THE  CENTENNIAL 

with  model  houses  for  the  poor;  the  old  street-cleaning  by 
human  sweeps  was  contrasted  with  that  by  great  street-clean- 
ing machines;  the  making  of  tortillas  by  hand  in  dirty  rooms 
devoid  of  furniture  was  contrasted  with  the  same  primitive 
bread-making  in  cleaner,  wholesomer  surroundings,  the  washing 
of  clothes  in  old  and  neglected  public  lavenderias  was  compared 
with  laundrying  in  one  of  the  fine  new  public  laundries.  Great 
public  works,  as  the  water-supply  in  cities,  were  shown  by  care- 
fully detailed  models,  on  a  scale  sufficiently  large  to  make  them 
actual  object  lessons.  The  details  of  hospital  management,  dis- 
infection, lazaretos,  isolation  and  treatment  of  yellow-fever, 
were  all  shown  in  detail.  The  degree  to  which  the  common 
people  visited  this  exposition  was  astonishing ;  men,  women  and 
children  of  the  poorest  class  showed  extraordinary  quickness  in 
appreciating  its  meaning.  At  night  the  little  lecture-room  con- 
nected with  the  exposition  was  crowded  with  hearers  of  lectures 
on  foods  and  their  clean  treatment,  cause  and  danger  of  tubercu- 
losis, sanitary  care  of  tenements,  drinking-water,  purpose  and 
methods  of  disinfection,  and  the  like. 

THE  COMMERCIAL  PROCESSION 

One  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  persons  are  said  to 
have  witnessed  the  commercial  procession.  The  buildings  along 
the  line  of  march  were  brilliantly  draped.  The  procession  in- 
cluded police  and  military  bands,  banners,  laboring  men,  dis- 
plays and  floats  of  individuals  and  companies;  but  its  chief 
feature  was  the  series  of  allegorical  floats  representing  industry, 
banking,  agriculture,  commerce  and  mining.  These  were 
masterpieces  of  taste  and  skill.  In  the  industrial  float,  Industry 
enthroned  upon  a  mounting  sun  of  progress  was  surrounded  by 
figures  of  Science,  Labor  and  Force  and  artistically  displayed 
coats-of-arms  of  all  nations.  Banking  was  represented  by  a 
horn-of-plenty  displayed  beneath  a  dome  supported  by  eight 
pillars  and  surmounted  by  a  lion ;  four  golden  lions  guarded  the 
corners  of  the  car;  the  design  symbolized  wealth  and  strength 
in  union;  the  names  of  the  various  banks  in  the  capital  city 


THE  CENTENNIAL  39 

appeared  upon  the  float.  Upon  the  agricultural  car  were  shown 
Mexican  laborers  with  implements,  upon  a  grassy  field  under 
palm-trees ;  at  the  front  of  the  car  were  the  four  goddesses  of 
agriculture,  Flora,  Fauna,  Ceres,  and  Pomona.  For  commerce, 
Mercury  was  represented  as  alighting  upon  Mexico,  displayed 
upon  a  terrestrial  globe;  four  nations  representing  the  world 
quarters,  drove  lions ;  female  figures  in  front  represented  North 
and  South  America;  other  figures  were  those  of  Law,  Justice, 
and  Peace.  In  the  float  for  mining  the  old  and  new  mining 
methods  were  represented  upon  a  mountain  slope.  A  seated 
human  figure  represented  mining  industry ;  seated  upon  a  rock, 
she  held  in  her  hands  a  cleft  globe  showing  hidden  treasure ;  in 
front  female  figures  represented  gold  and  silver ;  above  the  whole 
group  was  the  national  eagle. 

A  CUEIOUS  RELIC  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  personal  element  in  politics  is  notable  in  Latin- America. 
These  warm-blooded  southerners  need  a  name,  a  hero,  for  full 
enthusiasm.  The  National  Museum  treasures  many  an  object, 
the  only  interest  and  value  of  which  is  personal  association. 
Maximilian's  gaudy  coach-of -state  and  Juarez '  worn  and  never 
pretentious  carriage  are  the  delight  of  daily  visitors.  In  connec- 
tion with  the  centennial  celebration,  the  National  Museum 
secured  a  new  personal-association  relic — ugly  and  unattrac- 
tive in  itself,  but  associated  with  the  father-of-his-coun- 
try,  the  Cura  Hidalgo.  It  is  the  font  from  which  the  patriot, 
original  leader  of  the  revolution  against  Spain,  hero  of  the 
event  around  which  the  whole  month 's  celebration  centered, 
was  baptized.  It  is  a  simple  wooden  vessel  with  iron  hooping 
and  a  stone  support.  It  was  brought  from  Cuitzeo  by  railroad, 
accompanied  by  a  procession  consisting  of  the  parish  priest, 
the  town  officials,  and  a  member  of  the  family  of  the  patriot 
leader.  It  was  taken  from  the  railroad  station  through  the 
city  to  the  National  Museum  upon  an  allegorical  car,  to  which 
a  group  of  maidens  dressed  in  white  served  as  an  escort  of  honor. 
The  float  was  draped'  with  the  national  colors  above  which  were 


40 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

VIEW  OF  JALAP  A,  CAPITAL  OF  VERA  CRUZ,  ONE  OF  THE  MOST  BEAU- 
TIFUL CITIES  OF  MEXICO.    IN  THE  HOT  LANDS. 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


41 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

MARKET  SCENE  IN  AMECAMECA. 
OF    RELIGIOUS    PILGRIMAGE. 
PETL  IS  BEST  ASCENDED. 


IN  AN  INDIAN  REGION.     PLACE 
PLACE   FROM   WHICH   POPOCATE- 


42  THE  CENTENNIAL 

the  sun  and  cap  of  liberty  with  the  words,  Libertad  and  Independ- 
encia;  the  floor  of  the  car  was  strewn  with  flowers,  and  at  its 
four  corners  were  golden  vases  filled  with  roses.  Behind  the  car 
and  its  escort  marched  twenty  thousand  school  children  and 
teachers.  Crowds  thronged  the  way,  and  the  passage  of  the  car 
called  forth  outbursts  of  vivas.  The  simple  priest,  unsuccessful 
leader  of  the  Eevolution,  is  better  known  to  common  Mexicans, 
both  old  and  young,  than  any  other  national  hero ;  his  picture  is 
displayed  in  every  schoolroom  and  every  village  office.  When 
the  procession  reached  the  entrance  to  the  museum  court,  the 
military  band  played  the  national  hymn;  patriotic  addresses 
were  made  by  the  Secretary  of  Public  Instruction  and  others,  as 
the  precious  relic  was  passed  over  to  the  permanent  keeping  of 
the  museum  authorities.  It  is  said  that  the  people  of  Cuitzeo 
went  into  mourning  and  that  its  old  men  wept  at  the  loss  of  the 
village  treasure. 

A   PICTURESQUE    CELEBRATION — FLAG   DAY 

The  public  heart  was  deeply  touched  and  the  foreign  guests 
profoundly  impressed  by  the  flag-day  celebration.  Six  thousand 
school  children  participated.  Eleven  public  squares  were  sites 
for  the  ceremony.  The  children  were  first  assembled  at  their 
schoolhouses,  whence  they  marched  with  music  to  the  nearest 
plaza,  where  the  salutation  was  made.  The  greatest  interest 
of  course  was  at  the  central  plaza  of  the  city,  where  the  celebra- 
tion was  witnessed  by  President  Diaz  and  the  members  of  his 
cabinet.  When  they  appeared  upon  the  balcony  of  the  national 
palace,  they  were  greeted  with  cheers  and  the  waving  of  thou- 
sands of  national  flags.  After  some  music,  hundreds  of  the 
smallest  children,  with  a  little  flag  in  one  hand  and  a  bouquet 
of  flowers  in  the  other,  advanced  to  the  great  flag  which  had  been 
raised  and  deposited  their  flowers.  After  that,  the  thousands  of 
other  children  advanced  in  orderly  groups  and,  passing  beneath 
the  national  emblem,  repeated  the  vow  of  allegiance  to  the  flag, 
and  sang  the  Song  to  the  Banner  which  had  been  written  for 
the  occasion.  After  all  had  saluted  the  flag,  the  army  of  children 


THE  CENTENNIAL  43 

sang  the  national  hymn,  all  kneeling  at  the  passage  where  the 
national  land  is  invoked,  and  remaining  in  a  kneeling  position  to 
the  close  of  the  stanza.  When  they  arose,  they  waved  their 
flags  to  the  President  with  enthusiastic  vivas,  while  the  bells 
•of  the  cathedral  pealed. 

THE  MARTYK  CADETS 

On  the  eighth  of  September  every  year,  Mexico  shows  honor 
to  the  memory  of  the  martyr  cadets.  It  is  one  of  the  simplest 
and  sincere&t  outbursts  of  the  national  heart.  We  speak  of  the 
victory  of  Chapultepec,  and  the  assault  upon  the  famous  rock 
was  a  deed  of  bravery ;  but  the  defenders  were  mere  boys,  cadets 
of  the  military  school,  who  died  in  the  defense  of  their  nation. 
The  ceremony  is  always  pathetic  and  fervent;  but  in  the  cen- 
tennial year  it  was  more  so  than  usual.  The  President,  in  full 
uniform  as  general  of  division,  went  to  the  monument  accom- 
panied by  his  military  staff  and  his  full  cabinet.  Each  and  all 
placed  there  his  wreath  to  the  memory  of  the  martyr  boys. 
General  Otis,  of  the  American  Commission,  was  present,  and, 
as  he  placed  his  wreath  of  flowers,  said:  " Although  I  am  an 
American,  I  am  a  Sioldier  before  all  else,  and  thus  I  pay  homage 
to  the  brave  boys  of  Chapultepec." 

CONGRESS   OF  AMERICANISTS 

A  notable  event  of  the  centennial  celebration  was  the  Con- 
gress of  Americanists.  That  dignified,  international  body  meets 
bi-ennially.  In  1910  it  held  a  double  session,  first  at  Buenos 
Aires,  Argentina,  then  one  at  Mexico.  The  gathering  includes 
anthropologists,  ethnographers,  archaeologists,  geographers 
and  historians.  All  are  interested  in  American  subjects,  and 
only  such  are  discussed.  The  meetings  at  Mexico  in  1910  was  at- 
tended by  governmental  delegates  from  Germany,  Austro- 
Hungary,  Costa  Eica,  Cuba,  Japan,  the  United  States,  Guate- 
mala, Italy,  the  Netherlands  and  Salvador,  and  representatives 
from  universities  and  .learned  societies  as  well  as  by  many  non- 
official  and  non-representing  students.  Its  sessions  continued 


44 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

PRIMARY  SCHOOL,  JALAPA.     THE  SCHOOL  IS  HELD  IN  A  TYPICAL 
PATIO  OR  INTERIOR  COURT,  OPEN  TO  THE  SKY. 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


45 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 


AZTEC  WOMEN  AT  WELL,  AMATLAN.  AMATLAN,  NEAR  CORDOBA,  STATE 
OF  VERA  CRUZ,  IS  A  PURELY  AZTEC  TOWN.  THE  POPULATION  IS 
NOTED  FOR  ITS  INDUSTRY  AND  CLEANLINESS. 


46  THE  CENTENNIAL 

through  a  week,  and  its  program  included  several  interesting 
excursions  to  famous  ruins.  The  Minister  of  Public  Instruction 
extended  a  reception  to  the  Congress.  Among  the  guests  were 
distinguished  foreigners,  men  of  world  reputation,  brilliant  in 
decorations.  At  the  formal  session  of  opening  held  in  the 
famous  old  Mineria  the  address  of  welcome  was  made  by  Min- 
ister Sierra.  The  President  of  the  Eepublic  attended  an  even- 
ing session  at  the  National  Museum  and  welcomed  the  delegates. 

The  excursion  of  the  Congress  to  the  Pyramids  of  San  Juan 
de  Teotihuacan,  which  lie  at  about  an  hour's  distance  by  rail 
from  the  City  of  Mexico,  was  especially  brilliant.  The  Congress 
had  a  special  train  decorated  with  the  national  colors.  The 
excursion  was  a  combined  courtesy  to  the  Government  Envoys 
and  to  the  Congress  of  Americanists  tendered  by  the  Minister 
of  Foreign  Eelations  and  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction. 
Enrique  C.  Creel,  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations  was  in  attend- 
ance. He  is  well  known  to  Americans,  having  been  ambassador 
to  the  United  States.  Most  of  the  diplomatic  visitors  made  the 
excursion,  and  the  party  numbered  more  than  two  hundred  in- 
dividuals. From  the  San  Juan  station  the  little  pyramid  rail- 
road took  the  excursionists  out  to  the  ruins.  A  first-class  coach 
had  been  provided  for  the  diplomats ;  the  members  of  the  Con- 
gress rode  on  platform  cars  supplied  with  chairs.  Stops  were 
made  to  inspect  the  * '  painted  house, ' '  the  *  '  palace ' '  —wonderful 
ruins  below  the  level  of  the  surrounding  country,  stairways, 
plastered  walls,  cement  floorings  and  an  ancient  well ;  the  ' '  pyra- 
mid of  the  sun"  is  an  impressive  structure  with  stone  facing, 
terraces,  platforms  and  stairways;  the  excursionists  walked 
through  the  old  "street  of  the  dead,"  now  called  "the  sacred 
way,"  to  inspect  a  recently  excavated  old  temple  pyramid,  the 
plastered  walls  of  which  bear  paintings  of  fruits  and  flowers  in 
colors  quite  fresh  and  bright. 

But  even  diplomats  and  scientists  must  eat  and  drink,  and 
the  party  passed  from  the  museum  to  the  cavern  christened 
the  "Gruta  Porfirio  Diaz,"  in  honor  of  the  president.  In  that 


THE  CENTENNIAL  47 

yawning  cave,  in  the  red  volcanic  rock,  tables  had  been 
splendidly  spread,  and  the  guests  sat  down  to  an  elaborate 
banquet,  into  the  make-up  of  which  fine  wines  entered.  "Well- 
trained  bands  played  national  airs.  At  the  tables  sat  Chinese, 
Japanese,  Chileans,  and  other  South  Americans,  Central  Ameri- 
cans, Mexicans,  Austrians,  Germans,  French,  Spaniards,  Dutch 
and  Americans.  It  was  an  interesting,  a  curious,  gathering. 
From  above  and  outside  a  group  of  natives  crowded  round  the 
opening  and  peered  down  through  the  rocky  throat  upon  the 
gay  scene,  thus  adding  quaint  picturesqueness.  They  were 
largely  of  Indian  blood  and  talked  Aztec.  Were  they  descend- 
ants of  the  builders  of  the  pyramids,  or  were  those  of  another 
race?  What  were  their  thoughts  as  they  looked  down  upon  the 
eaters  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  1  Did  they  think  f  Who  knows  ? 

INTEKNATIONAL  COUKTESY 

A  striking  feature  of  the  centennial  was  the  presentation  of 
monuments  to  Mexico  by  other  nations  or  by  the  representatives 
of  other  nations  living  in  Mexico.  Spain  gave  a  monument  of 
Isabella  the  Catholic.  The  Emperor  William  presented  one 
of  Humboldt;  there  was  special  appropriateness  in  the  gift,  as 
Humboldt  visited  Mexico,  lived  in  the  city  and  wrote  a  great 
work  upon  the  politics  and  economics  of  the  country — a  work 
still  quoted  with  reverence  by  Mexicans,  who  know  nothing  of 
more  recent  foreign  writers  about  their  country.  France  erected 
a  monument  to  Pasteur,  less  strikingly  appropriate  perhaps,  but 
graciously  and  gracefully  presented.  There  were  other  similar 
gifts.  We  were  slow  in  taking  the  idea  and  nationally  did  noth- 
ing; the  American  residents,  however,  in  Mexico,  promised  to 
give  a  statue  of  George  Washington.  The  government  of  Mexico 
accepted  their  offer  and  assigned  the  Plaza  Dinamarca,  near 
the  American  colony,  as  its  site.  The  dedication  of  the  site  took 
place  on  Sunday,  the  eleventh  of  September.  A  simple  stand 
had  been  erected  and  draped  with  the  national  colors  of  the 
nations.  Before  it,  under  awnings,  were  about  150  chairs  for 
guests.  No  invitations  were  issued.  The  President  and  his 


48 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

'MANGOES,  CUERNAVACA.  ONE  OF  THE  FINEST  TROPICAL  FRUITS 
IS  THE  MANGO.  CUERNAVACA,  IN  THE  STATE  OF  MORELOS, 
HAS  ONE  OF  THE  FINEST  CLIMATES  OF  THE  WORLD.  IT  IS 
WITHIN  THE  RANGE  OF  ZAPATA'S  CONTROL. 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


49 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

STOCK  OF  SOMBREKOS,  MEXICO.     THE  SOMBRERO  IS  THE  TYPICAL 
HAT  OF  THE  TRUE  MEXICAN. 


50  THE  CENTENNIAL 

Cabinet,  the  American  Commission  and  a  few  guests  occupied 
the  platform.  Charles  R.  Hudson,  long  in  railway  service  in 
Mexico,  opened  the  exercises.  The  American  Ambassador, 
Henry  Lane  Wilson,  made  the  formal  address  of  presentation, 
in  the  course  of  which  he  expressed  the  hope  that  ' '  the  life,  the 
deeds,  the  sacrifices,  the  wisdom  and  the  patriotism  of  Washing- 
ton speaking  from  the  lips  of  the  monument  that  is  to  be  erected 
here,  may  be  an  inspiration  and  a  signal  to  the  rising  genera- 
tion in  Mexico,  as  they  are  to  the  children  of  the  Great  Patriot's 
own  land." 

A  DANGER  SIGNAL, 

Far  more  interesting,  however,  than  the  dedication  of  the 
site  of  a  Washington.  Monument,  or  the  laying  of  the  corner- 
stone of  a  monument  to  Pasteur  (a  function  far  more  preten- 
tious and  brilliant  than  our  own  simple  ceremony),  was  the 
spectacle  we  witnessed  little  more  than  a  stone's  throw  away 
from  the  Pasteur  celebration.  We  were  on  our  way  home  from 
the  dedication,  walking  through  the  Paseo ;  close  by  the  Colum- 
bus statue  in  the  first  glorieta,  was  a  dense  crowd  of  men  and 
women  with  banners,  wreaths  and  large  floral  pieces.  We  knew 
that  the  Circulo  Michoacanense  was  to  honor  Morelos  and  be- 
lieved this  to  be  their  function.  Loving  beautiful  Morelia  and 
the  Tarascan  land  we  walked  over  to  witness  their  celebration. 
But  no — this  was  not  the  Circulo  Michoacanense.  It  was  quite 
different;  it  was  a  demonstration  of  "the  opposition."  For 
the  most  part,  it  was  a  band  of  common  working  people,  men  and 
women;  there  were,  however,  a  number  of  well-dressed  men 
among  them.  Their  conduct  was  irreproachable.  From  their 
banners  we  saw  that  they  represented  various  anti-reelection 
societies.  One  tall,  spare,  nervous  woman  bore  a  banner  of  red 
silk,  of  the  anti-reelection  league — "the  Daughters  of  Cuauhte- 
moc, ' '  a  stirring  name  when  one  remembers  the  inflexibility  with 
which  the  last  great  chief  of  the  Aztecs  endured  the  torture  of 
the  Spanish  conqueror.  One  banner  was  decorated  with  the  por- 
trait of  the  dogged  and  persistent  Indian  president  whose  name 


THE  CENTENNIAL  51 

just  now  is  on  many  tongues — Benito  Juarez ;  an  anti-reelection 
league  bears  his  name.  There  was  a  white  banner  with  the 
words  Ley  Constitutional  de  1857  (Constitutional  Law  of  1857). 
There  was  no  time  to  look  at  other  banners  in  detail,  as  the 
groups  carrying  their  beautiful  floral  pieces  and  a  dozen  or  so 
banners,  began  to  sing  the  national  hymn  before  they  should 
march  and  deposit  their  offering  in  memory  of  the  patriot  fath- 
ers. Castro,  chief  of  the  mounted  police,  face  flaming  and 
sword  raised,  rode  into  the  party  upon  his  horse,  in  a  rage  de- 
manding, "Who  is  leader  here  1 "  There  was  no  response  and 
he  ordered  his  men  to  disperse  the  crowd.  The  band  stood  firm, 
secure  in  their  constitutional  right  of  peaceable  assembly.  A 
charge  was  made,  and  the  mounted  police  rode  into  the  party 
raising  their  swords  and  threatening,  while  a  cordon  of  foot 
police  closing  in,  cleared  a  great  circle  and  kept  back  the  crowd. 
The  floral  pieces  were  dropped  in  a  heap  and  some  of  the  ban- 
ners; but  most  of  the  standard-bearers  clung  to  their  ensigns. 
The  band  was  dispersed,  but  almost  instantly  closed  in  again, 
crowding  around  the  ruins  of  their  celebration.  Again  the 
mounted  police  charged  and  broke  them  down ;  again  it  took  but 
a  moment  to  reform,  but  at  a  little  distance.  Again  and  yet 
again  the  same  thing  happened,  but  at  last  the  little  party 
dwindled  away.  The  police  bundled  a  bunch  of  banners  into  a 
coach  and  bore  them  off  in  triumph.  Some  of  the  league  leaders, 
among  them  the  bearer  of  the  banner  of  the  Daughters  of  Cuauh- 
temoc, were  taken  off  to  Belem  prison.  The  heap  of  floral  pieces 
lay  neglected  in  the  middle  of  the  driveway  with  a  single  banner 
upright  in  it,  bearing  the  words,  Ley  Constitutional  de  1857,  as 
if  in  derision.  A  decent-looking  young  fellow  wearing  an  anti- 
reelection  badge,  seeing  me  looking  at  the  heap,  said,  "Un 
monumento,  Senor,  a  nuestra  independencia."  ("A  monument, 
sir,  to  our  independence/')  In  reality,  talking  as  a  democrat 
and  a  republican,  are  not  two  terms  too  long  for  any  president? 
May  we  never  seen  one  serve  more !  for  no  man  is  good  enough 
to  serve  an  actual  republic,  where  a  democratic  spirit  lives, 
so  long. 


52 


THE  CENTENNIAL 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 


WATER-SELLER,  GUANAJUATO.     ONCE  A  COMMON  SCENE,  NOW  RARE. 
THE  CITY  IS  NOW  SERVED  BY  WATERWORKS. 


EXECUTION  OF  PRISONER. 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 

THE  HUMBOLDT  MONUMENT THE  EDITORIAL  GUESTS THE  NATIONAL 

HOLIDAYS CIVIC    PROCESSION HISTORICAL   PAGEANT THE   GRITO 

OF     INDEPENDENCE THE     MILITARY     PARADE JAPANESE    EXPOSI- 
TION  SPLENDID    ILLUMINATION TORCH-LIGHTS    AND    CHORUS 

A  CITY  OF  MONUMENTS NEW   NATIONAL  UNIVERSITY A  TRIO  OF 

SENTIMENTAL  FUNCTIONS THE  PRESIDENT  IN  THE  CENTENNIAL 

THE   COST   OF   CELEBRATION. 

THE  City  of  Mexico  is  notable  for  its  public  monuments. 
To  these  was  added  during  the  celebration  of  the  cen- 
tennial a  monument  of  Baron  von  Humboldt.    Wherever 
the  Germans  go  in  Latin  America  they  prosper.    They  conform 
so  far  as  may  be  necessary  to  local  custom  and  prejudice,  and 
thus  establish  substantial  business  houses  and  gain  a  powerful 
influence.    In  Mexico  no  other  foreign  "colony"  has  so  strong 

53 


54  THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 

a  hold  on  government  and  society  as  the  German.    When  the 
German  residents  act  as  a  body  the  affair  is  always  notable.. 

THE  HUMBOLDT  MONUMENT 

The  monument  of  Alexander  von  Humboldt  was  a  direct 
present  to  the  Mexican  nation  from  the  German  emperor.  The 
site  assigned  for  it  was  a  most  happy  one  at  the  corner  before 
the  fine  old  monastery  building  which  serves  as  the  national 
library.  The  ceremony  of  the  unveiling  of  the  statue  had  been 
indefinitely  announced  to  take  place  in  the  forenoon,  and  by 
10  o'clock  a  crowd  had  gathered;  by  11  the  place  was  jammed; 
by  12  it  was  a  surging  and  pushing  mob — though  a  good- 
natured  one.  Probably  not  one  in  twenty  of  the  crowd  that 
stood  there  jostling  in  the  hot  sunshine  knew  or  cared 
what  was  taking  place.  There  was  indeed  some  query  as 
to  why  the  monument?  who  Humboldt  was?  whether  he  was 
a  Mexican?  a  general?  When  he  was  declared  to  be  a  German 
some  wanted  to  know  whether  there  was  a  difference  between 
the  Germans  and  the  "Gringos  Americanos."  It  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  police  now  and  then  opened  a  passage  for 
man  or  vehicle  through  the  crowd.  Occasionally  a  "bola"  of 
ragamuffins  formed,  and  by  sheer  weight-strength,  for  fun, 
forced  its  way  through  the  struggling  mass.  When  finally  at 
noon  the  German  Ambassador  and  a  committee  from  the  colony 
arrived  with  an  escort  of  200  marines  from  the  German  man- 
of-war,  the  crowd  went  into  ecstasy,  and  a  wave  of  vivas  fol- 
lowed them.  Other  delegations  arrived  in  coaches,  then  the 
cabinet,  and  last  of  all  President  Diaz  heralded  of  course  by  the 
national  hymn.  The  President  was  received  at  the  door  of  the 
library  building  and  conducted  to  the  platform.  The  German 
chorus  of  male  voices  sang  some  selections,  and  after  some  pre- 
liminary speeches,  the  Ambassador  made  the  formal  address 
of  presentation.  In  it  he  said :  ' l  Marble  upon  granite,  symboliz- 
ing the  purity  of  our  sentiments  and  the  strength  of  our  friend- 
ship." The  Governor  of  the  Federal  District,  Guillermo  de 
Landa  y  Escandon,  responded,  accepting  the  gift  on  behalf  of 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  55 

the  nation.  The  party  then  marched  to  the  foot  of  the  curtained 
statue  where  at  1  o'clock  the  President  drew  the  cords  and  dis- 
played the  figure  to  the  crowd  which  burst  into  a  roar  of  enthu- 
siastic vivas;  at  the  moment  when  the  curtain  fell  away,  flags 
of  Germany  and  Mexico  were  run  up.  The  party  was  then 
whirled  away  to  an  elegant  champagne  luncheon  given  by  the 
German  residents,  where  toasts  were  drunk,  speeches  made, 
and  a  young  nephew  of  the  Kaiser,  imported  for  the  occasion, 
was  lionized.  In  the  evening  there  was  a  special  rendering  of 
Lohengrin  at  the  theater.  The  statue  itself  is  a  fine  piece  of 
work  in  pure  white  marble;  the  standing  figure  represents  a 
man  in  the  youthful  prime  of  life.  We  are  so  used  to  seeing 
the  representation  of  the  great  scientist  as  an  octogenarian  that 
this  youth  comes  as  a  shock ;  but  it  is  quite  appropriate,  as  the 
Humboldt  who  lived  here  in  Mexico  and  wrote  the  Political 
Essay  on  New  Spain  was  a  young  man.  His  work  was  written 
a  century  ago,  and  his  studies  here  were  made  in  the  vice-royal 
days  before  the  grito  of  independence  was  sounded.  The 
pedestal  of  granite  bears  the  inscription — The  German  Emperor 
to  the  Mexican  Nation. 

THE  EDITORIAL  GUESTS 

The  arrival  of  the  American  editorial  party  was  one  of  the 
important  events  of  the  week.  The  bringing  of  the  party  into 
existence  was  due  to  the  energy  and  effort  of  Paul  Hudson, 
manager  of  the  Mexican  Herald,  a  well  edited  paper.  Mr. 
Hudson  went  to  meet  the  party  and  brought  it  to  the  city  by 
a  special  train.  Four  of  the  editors  were  Canadians,  thirty- 
seven,  Americans.  They  were  well  treated  en  route,  stopping 
at  Guanajuato  and  Queretaro  where  much  attention  was  shown 
them.  In  the  capital  city  they  were  feted  and  shown  the  sights. 
All  of  them  were  live  men,  and  among  them  were  Samuel  Bowles, 
of  the  Springfield  Republican,  Victor  Murdock — insurgent,  of 
the  Wichita  Eagle,  Victor  Eosewater  of  the  Omaha  Bee,  Hamil- 
ton Holt  of  the  Independent,  Arthur  W.  Page  of  the  World's 
Work.  Every  opportunity  was  given  to  these  gentlemen  to 


56 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 


Copyrighted  by  UiiUerwood  and  Underwood 


STRAWBERRIES,  IRAPUATO.     IN  IRRIGATED  FIELDS  THE  FRUIT  IS 
PRODUCED  AND  SOLD  EVERY  DAY  THROUGHOUT  THE  YEAR. 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  57 

see  as  much  of  Mexico  as  their  time  permitted.  They  were 
" steered77  of  course  and  saw  only  what  was  most  favorable; 
they  went  away  greatly  impressed  by  the  marvelous  develop- 
ment which  has  taken  place  under  Porfirio  Diaz.  It  was  believed 
that  their  visit  would  tend  to  make  Mexico  better  known  through- 
out the  United  States. 

THE  NATIONAL  HOLIDAYS 

The  culmination  of  the  celebrations  of  the  month  took  place 
upon  the  national  holidays — the  fourteenth,  fifteenth  and  six- 
teenth. The  fifteenth  is  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Porfirio 
Diaz,  he  being  then  eighty  years  old ;  the  sixteenth  is  the  anni- 
versary of  the  birth  of  the  nation,  then  one  hundred  years  old. 

CIVIC   PROCESSION 

On  the  fourteenth  was  the  Civic  Procession  in  which  about 
twenty  thousand  people  were  in  line ;  the  parade  took  an  hour 
and  a  half  in  passing  the  reviewing  balcony  of  the  President 
at  the  Palace.  Everything  under  heaven  participated  in  it — all 
sorts  and  conditions  of  men,  women  and  children;  there  were 
brilliant  uniforms,  there  were  frock  coats  and  high  hats,  there 
were  the  daily  costumes  of  ordinary  labor,  all  in  line.  The 
participants  were  grouped  in  divisions  and  marshalled  and 
labeled.  Of  course  there  were  police  and  city  fathers,  congress- 
men and  judges,  and  a  horde  of  bureau  clerks  and  officers;  it 
could  not  else  have  been  a  civic  procession.  There  were  proces- 
sions of  school  children  and  teachers,  professional  men  of  every 
grade,  and  representatives  of  scientific  and  literary  organiza- 
tions. There  were  students  from  schools,  among  whom  a  band 
of  Chinese  boys  attracted  great  attention.  Wonderfully  popular 
were  the  marines  from  the  German  Ambassador's  suite  and  a 
considerable  body  of  marines  from  the  Argentinan  man-of-war, 
Presidente  Sarmiento.  There  were  groups  from  many  parts  of 
the  republic,  arranged  in  the  alphabetical  order  of  their  local 
provenance,  but  the  only  one  attracting  marked  attention  was 
that  from  Campeche  in  characteristic  rural  dress  and  wearing 


58  THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 

great  sombreros.  There  was  a  division  showing  representatives 
of  the  press,  and  the  independent  press  was  conspicuously  non- 
represented  ;  only  El  Paladin  was  there ;  neither  El  Mexicano, 
El  Constitutional,  El  Progreso  Latino,  La  Republica,  El  Diario 
del  Hogar,  Lealdad,  El  Ciudadano,  or  El  Padre  Padilla  was  in 
line.  This  fact  is  much  too  significant  to  be  forgotten.  Trades 
were  represented  in  the  labor  organizations.  All  of  these  groups 
carried  floral  pieces,  some  large  and  elaborate,  others  more 
simple,  while  the  great  majority  of  individuals  in  the  procession 
carried  bouquets  or  loose  flowers.  Mexico  is  the  land  of  flowers. 
One  of  the  fine  features  in  the  Mexican  character,  from  the 
Indian  side  of  their  ancestry,  is  the  love  of  flowers  and  the 
lavish  and  artistic  employment  of  them  in  public  celebration. 
The  old  Aztecs  on  festive  occasions  made  bowers  and  arches  of 
flowers ;  the  miserable  Indians  of  Oaxacan  villages  today,  on  the 
rare  occasions  when  their  archbishop  makes  a  pastoral  visita- 
tion— carried  in  a  chair  on  human  shoulders — flock  to  meet 
him  on  the  road  and  almost  bury  him  in  flowers;  and  the 
Mexicans  of  cultured  Mexico,  from  the  meanest  peon  to  the 
grandest  of  the  land,  love  to  lay  flowers  at  the  feet  of  the 
"heroes."*  For,  to  lay  flowers  at  the  feet  of  the  "heroes"  is 
the  end  and  purpose  of  this  great  outpouring  of  thousands  of 
human  beings.  At  the  great  Plaza  the  two  approaches  to  the 
Cathedral  were  bordered  by  two  lines  of  soldiers  drawn  up  on 
guard.  After  passing  in  their  line  of  march  through  the  parade 
streets  of  the  city,  the  marchers  entered  the  Plaza,  and  passed 
around  the  Zocalo,  past  the  Palace,  where  they  were  reviewed 
by  the  President  and  his  guests,  to  the  Cathedral,  where  the 
floral  offerings  were  taken  from  them  and  carried  through  the 
lines  of  guards  into  the  Cathedral,  where  they  were  laid  before 
the  urns  containing  the  ashes  of  the  "heroes." 

HISTORICAL    PAGEANT 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth  the  Historical  Procession 
took  place,  a  brilliant  pageant.  It  consisted  of  three  parts — 
representing  the  three  great  periods  of  Mexico's  romantic 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  59 

history — Conquest,  Vice-royalty  and  Independence.  The  first 
reproduced  the  famous  meeting  of  Cortes  and  Montezuma  on 
the  seventh  day  of  November,  1519.  In  its  make-up  839  persons 
were  employed ;  two  parties  were  represented — Montezuma  and 
his  Indians,  Cortes  and  his  Spaniards.  For  the  first  party  actual 
Indians  had  been  brought  in  from  outside  villages;  they  had 
been  kept  in  the  city  for  weeks  and  carefully  trained  in  their 
parts.  Great  care  and  much  study  was  made  that  details  of 
dress,  standards,  war  equipment,  weapons,  utensils,  etc.,  might 
be  historically  true.  Servants,  messengers,  warriors,  priests, 
chiefs,  and  Montezuma  ("the  chief  of  men")  were  all  repre- 
sented. In  the  Spanish  group  of  Cortes  and  his  soldiers,  the 
Indian  woman  Malintzin  (or  Marina)  was  conspicuous  with  her 
attendants.  The  "chief  of  men"  was  borne  in  his  elegant  litter, 
while  the  Spanish  war-captain  rode  his  famous  gray.  When  the 
procession  reached  the  Plaza,  the  two  parties  separated,  and 
passing  by  different  sides  of  the  Zocalo,  met  before  the  Palace, 
where  President  Diaz  and  his  guests  viewed  the  tableau.  Cortes 
dismounted  from  his  horse,  Montezuma  descended  from  his 
litter,  and  they  exchanged  characteristic  salutations  and  made 
presents  to  each  other.  The  second  scene  was  drawn  from  Vice- 
royal  times,  say  about  1740.  It  reproduced  the  pageant  of  those 
days  known  as  the  Paseo  del  Pendon,  which  was  annually  cele- 
brated on  the  thirteenth  of  October,  the  date  of  the  Conquest. 
The  reproduction  of  this  favorite  pageant  of  200  years  gone 
by  was  curiously  interesting  and  brilliant.  Two  hundred  and 
eighty-eight  persons  participated  in  the  production,  including 
the  Alfarez  on  horseback  with  a  pendon  (banner),  the  Alcaldes, 
Regidors,  Alguacils,  Oidors,  and  the  Vice-roy  himself.  The  third 
scene  consisted  of  five  handsome  allegorical  cars  divided  by  a 
brilliant  procession — the  whole  commemorating  heroes  and  inci- 
dents of  the  Eevolution  and  Independence.  The  procession 
represented  the  entry  of  the  "Army  of  the  Three  Guarantees" 
under  Augustin  de  Iturbide;  it  was  a  magnificent  spectacle,  far 
too  brilliant,  for  there  has  surely  never  been  a  time  since  1810 
when  any  army  of  Mexico  has  been  so  splendidly  uniformed. 


60 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood' 

CUTTING    SUGAR   CANE,   ISTHMUS   OF  TEHUANTEPEC.     AMERICAN 
PLANTATIONS  HAVE  BEEN  DEVELOPED  ALL  OVER  THIS  REGION. 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  61 

The  five  allegorical  cars  were  presented  by  as  many  states.  The 
first,  to  the  glorification  of  the  Cura  Hidalgo,  was  furnished  by 
the  State  of  Hidalgo;  the  second,  to  the  honor  of  Morelos,  by 
the  State  of  Michoacan,  the  capital  of  which,  Morelia,  com- 
memorates the  hero 's  name ;  the  third  allegorized  the  defense  of 
Chapultepec  by  the  cadets  of  the  military  academy  and  was  given 
by  Vera  Cruz ;  the  fourth  was  given  by  the  State  of  Tabasco ; 
the  fifth  by  Colima. 

THE   GRITO   OF   INDEPENDENCE 

The  event  of  the  year  for  the  common  Mexican  is  the  giving 
of  the  grito  on  the  night  of  September  fifteenth.  Never  perhaps 
was  there  a  greater  crowd  in  the  Plaza  than  on  that  night  in  the 
centennial  year.  The  great  square  was  crowded  by  8  o'clock; 
long  before  11  it  was  a  mass  of  humanity  so  tightly  packed 
that  one  could  scarcely  find  his  way  through  it.  The  night  was 
cold,  but  people  perspired  and  fainted  and  swooned  from  heat 
and  lack  of  air.  One  could  not  fall  in  such  a  crowd ;  some,  weary, 
slept  on  foot.  The  front  of  the  Palace  was  a  splendor  of  lights 
and  its  every  window-balcony  and  hundreds  of  seats  upon  the 
roof,  were  occupied  by  the  president's  guests.  The  lovely 
illumination  of  the  Cathedral  towers  and  of  the  facades  of  .the 
other  buildings  fronting  on  the  Plaza,  shed  a  clear  light  upon 
the  crowd.  To  pass  the  time  and  keep  the  people  good-humored, 
fireworks  were  discharged — set  pieces  and  flights  of  rockets, 
bombs  and  fire-pots.  As  11  o'clock  approached,  all  eyes  were 
fixed  upon  the  central  window-balcony  where  the  President  and 
his  particular  guests  had  long  been  seated,  looking  out  upon  the 
brilliant  scene  and  the  surging  mass  of  humanity.  At  that  hour 
the  President  arose  and  stepped  forth  with  the  flag  of  the 
nation  in  his  hand ;  waving  it,  he  gave  the  grito :  "Viva  Mexico, 
Viva  Libertad,  Viva  la  Republica."  At  once  the  great  bells  of 
the  Cathedral  clanged,  and  then  all  the  bells  of  all  the  churches. 
Pandemonium  reigned.  "Solas"  were  formed  everywhere; 
bunches  of  from  a  half  dozen  to  fifty  boys  and  young  men  ran 
through  the  streets,  cheering,  howling,  hooting,  blowing  paper 


62  THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 

horns,  doing  every  ridiculous  thing  that  struck  their  fancy. 
This  was  kept  up  for  hours  in  the  brilliantly  lighted  city  streets. 

THE    MILITARY    PARADE 

On  the  sixteenth  took  place  the  great  annual  Military  Parade. 
The  Ambassadors,  the  Cabinet,  the  President,  hastened  in  auto- 
mobiles or  carriages  from  the  dedication  of  the  Statue  of  the 
Independence  to  the  Palace  for  review.  The  procession  took 
more  than  two  hours  in  passing  any  given  point  and  was  the 
greatest  of  the  kind  ever  held  in  Mexico;  it  differed  from  its 
predecessors  by  the  presence  of  marines  from  other  nations- 
German,  French,  Argentinan  and  Brazilian.  The  cadets  led; 
then  came  the  foreign  marines;  then  the  infantry,  the  artillery 
and  the  regular  cavalry  in  order;  at  the  end  came  that  which 
always  most  stirs  Mexican  enthusiasm — the  rurales,  or  mounted 
country  force.  The  rurales  are  well  mounted  and  good  riders ; 
they  wear  the  characteristic  charro  costume — gray  felt  som- 
breros, square-cut  buckskin  jackets  and  close-fitting  trousers,  all 
bright  with  silver  braid.  The  metal  helmets  and  drooping 
plumes  of  other  soldiers  may  be  fine  and  new,  but  they  are  not 
typically  Mexican,  and  the  common  man  in  the  pressing  crowd 
knows  it  right  well;  the  charro,  sombrero  and  the  silver  braid 
belong  to  Mexico,  and  at  every  annual  procession  of  the  military 
stir  the  heart  and  call  forth  a  wave  of  vivas  as  nothing  else. 

JAPANESE   EXPOSITION 

Very  early  in  the  centennial  celebration  the  Japanese  Ex- 
position was  opened.  It  was  kept  open  almost  continuously 
through  the  month,  only  closing  occasionally  for  a  day  that 
new  exhibits  might  be  installed.  It  was  housed  in  a  very  ugly 
building  variously  known  as  the  Iron  Hall  or  Crystal  Palace, 
near  the  Buena  Vista  railroad  station.  Ugly  the  building  is, 
but  not  badly  adapted  for  exhibition  purposes.  The  exposi- 
tion did  much  to  interest  the  two  nations  in  each  other,  and  its 
existence  was  symptomatic  of  growing  relations  between  the 
two  countries.  Its  opening  was  made  a  great  social  event. 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  63 

The  President  and  Mrs.  Diaz,  cabinet  officials,  resident  and 
visiting  diplomats,  and  the  society  of  Mexico  were  guests,  while 
the  Japanese  Charge  d 'Affaires  and  his  lady,  and  representa- 
tives of  the  Exposition  Company  were  hosts.  There  were  music 
and  fireworks,  inspection  of  exhibits  and  a  champagne  luncheon 
after  which  the  President  and  the  Japanese  representative  ex- 
changed compliments.  Time  was,  in  the  days  before  we  were 
born,  when  there  were  definite  relations  between  Mexico  and 
Japan.  In  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
the  trade  with  the  Philippines  was  developed,  and  Mexico  was 
the  middle  point  between  Spain  and  the  Islands.  Japanese  and 
Chinese  goods  were  brought  back  in  the  old  galleons ;  Mexican 
missionaries  went  to  convert  the  pagan  lands.  There  are  few 
more  romantic  features  in  history  than  those  of  this  old  contact. 
But  the  Revolution  and  Independence  of  Mexico  interrupted 
these  relations,  and  for  a  long  time  Japan  and  Mexico  barely 
knew  each  other.  Relations  have  recently  again  been  resumed. 
Japanese  laborers  have  been  imported  to  assist  in  developing 
Mexico's  resources,  and  notwithstanding  a  momentary  opposi- 
tion, will  continue  to  be  brought  in;  a  Japanese  steamship  line 
connects  Tokio  with  Guaymas,  Manzanillo,  and  Salina  Cruz; 
commerce  is  developing.  All  this  renders  the  Japanese  Exposi- 
tion significant.  Its  commercial  aspect  was  much  too  evident; 
the  things  brought  together  were  hardly  a  fair  showing  of  good 
average  grade.  There  was  carved  wood  furniture — after 
Chinese  fashion — china  and  porcelain,  carved  ivory,  lacquer — 
but  to  one  who-  knows  and  loves  Japanese  art  industry,  the  show 
was  disappointing.  Still  it  attracted  attention,  and  visitors 
at  one  peso,  charged  to  keep  out  the  "  agglomeration, ' '  were 
numerous,  and  all  bought  something. 

SPLENDID  ILLUMINATIONS 

The  night  illuminations  through  the  month  were  magnificent. 
The  famous  thoroughfare,  Plateros-San  Francisco-Avenida- 
Juarez,  was  brilliant  every  night,  as  were  the  streets  parallel- 
ing it  on  either  side ;  the  central  square,  the  Plaza  Mayor,  upon 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  an 

INDIAN  MARKET,  AMECAMECA.     IN  THE  VILLAGE  CHURCH  IS  THE 
FAMOUS  MIRACULOUS  IMAGE  OF  CHRIST.  . 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  65 

which  they  end,  was  splendid.  The  Plaza  is  the  heart  of  Mexico ; 
it  was  the  market-place,  the  gathering-point  and  temple-site  of 
the  old  Aztec  city.  At  either  entrance  to  San  Francisco-Plateros 
was  an  arrangement  of  festooned  lights  like  a  canopy ;  seen  from 
a  distance,  it  gave  the  impression  of  great  crimson  curtains  set 
in,  and  pendent  from  gold.  Between  these  canopies,  on  both 
sides  of  the  street,  shops  and  business  houses  vied  with  each 
other  in  brilliant  and  striking  combinations.  The  street  is  not 
wide,  and  the  buildings  (from  three  to  five  stories)  are  remark- 
ably uniform  in  height,  and  not  too  high.  This  narrowness  of 
street  and  uniformity  and  lowness  of  buildings  combined  to 
give  a  compactness  and  density  to  the  illumination.  The  setting 
of  poles  bearing  esutcheons,  national  colors  and  strings  of  lights, 
at  regular  intervals,  brought  the  whole  mass  of  illuminations, 
varied  though  they  were  according  to  individual  caprice  and 
fancy,  into  a  harmony  that  is  lacking  in  our  own  finest  displays. 
While  strings  and  lines  of  plain  lights  were  the  foundation  in 
all  combinations,  green  and  crimson  were  scattered  in  to  give 
the  national' colors.  Here  and  there  a  store-front  blazed  with 
the  national  flag,  or  coat-of-arms  in  colors,  with  the  lights  so 
closely  set  as  to  give  the  effect  of  a  gem-studded  surface.  Now 
and  then  a  corner  building  presented  a  resplandor.  The  great 
Plaza  was  like  fairy  land.  The  famous  Cathedral  occupies  one 
side,  the  long  low  National  Palace  another,  the  Municipal  Build- 
ing and  business  houses,  both  with  portales,  fill  the  other  two. 
The  Municipal  Building,  recently  renovated,  remains  true  to  old 
Mexican  standards  in  character,  with  pillars  and  decorated 
work,  and  lends  itself  to  illumination  as  if  constructed  for  the 
purpose.  In  the  National  Palace  lines  of  lights  marked  out 
each  window-balcony  and  doorway,  a  resplandor  was  placed 
above  the  famous  bell  of  the  president's  balcony,  and  a  bril- 
liant star-rosette  was  placed  about  each  window-space  along  the 
roof-line;  these  star-rosettes  were  arranged  alternately  at  two 
levels.  But  the  cathedral  was  the  most  glorious  sight ;  its  grace- 
ful towers  were  trimmed  along  each  curve  with  plain  lights 
amid  which  just  enough  green  and  crimson  were  tipped  in  to 


66  THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 

suggest  the  tri-color;  at  the  base  of  one  tower  gleamed,  1810 
Libertad  at  the  base  of  the  other  1910  Progreso.  Behind  and  to 
the  right  of  the  cathedral  rose  the  graceful  and  slender  tower 
of  a  neighboring  church  all  outlined  in  blue.  The  effect  against 
the  night  sky  was  weirdly  beautiful.  After  passing  from  the 
Palace  through  San  Francisco-Plateros  at  the  beginning  of 
Avenida  Juarez,  a  change  was  necessitated  by  the  conditions. 
Here  the  thoroughfare  widens,  and  buildings  occupy  but  one  side 
of  the  street;  the  other  borders  the  famous  Alameda — one  of 
the  finest  park  groves  in  America.  Here  the  whole  system  of 
lighting  had  to  be  changed.  The  lines  of  regularly  spaced 
poles,  with  escutcheons  and  colors,  continued;  from  them  were 
stretched  across  the  wide  street  pairs  of  diagonal  strings  of 
lights  crossing  in  the  middle.  The  effect  of  these  many  inter- 
secting diagonals  was  that  of  a  continuous  star-studded  awning 
stretching  for  blocks.  It  was  worth  while  to  walk  under  this, 
from  beginning  to  end,  in  order  to  see  the  illumination  of  the 
new  building  of  the  Department  of  Foreign  Eelations.  It  is  a 
building  of  stone,  two  stories  and  a  half  in  height,  elegantly 
simple  and  plain,  save  that  the  upper  half-story  facade  is 
adorned  with  allegorical  statues,  full  figures.  At  the  middle 
point  of  the  cornice  is  the  national  eagle.  The  whole  fagade  of 
the  building  is  illuminated  by  one  of  those  new  ghostly  lights — 
uranium  perhaps ;  its  source  is  concealed,  and  the  light  is  thrown 
upward  by  reflectors,  so  that  the  whole  fagade  of  the  building, 
figures  and  eagle  included,  is  bathed  in  a  lovely  shimmering 
blue-green  light  like  the  phosphorescence  of  the  night  waves 
of  tropic  seas; — all  but  the  upper  line  of  the  cornice,  which  is 
of  a  rich  amber-yellow. 

TORCH-LIGHTS  AND  CHORUS 

In  the  Torch-light  Procession  of  the  nineteenth  it  is  said 
that  ten  thousand  persons  carrying  banners  and  paper  lanterns 
were  in  line.  Every  one  considered  it  a  novelty  for  Mexico,  and 
it  was  a  great  hit;  after  the  marchers  had  been  reviewed  by 
President  Diaz  at  the  Palace,  a  band  struck  up  the  national 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  67 

hymn  and  a  chorus  of  one  hundred  voices  sung  to  its  accompani- 
ment. The  crowd  of  thirty  thousand  took  up  the  song.  It  is 
claimed  that  this  great  choral  was  unpremeditated ;  it  was  most 
impressive.  But  neither  torch-light  procession  or  vast  volume 
of  song  are  new  to  that  historical  spot;  there  is  no  new  thing 
under  the  sun,  and  history  repeats  itself.  In  old  pre-Conquest 
days,  at  the  end  of  every  particular  cycle,  the  Aztecs  poured 
out  from  their  City  of  Mexico,  Tenochtitlan,  to  the  "Hill  of  the 
Star"  at  Ixtapalapa,  where  a  propitiatory  sacrifice  was  made 
and  the  gods  answered  by  sending  "new  fire."  The  host  of 
people  had  carried  unlighted  torches  with  them  from  the  city 
and,  kindling  these  by  the  new  fire,  returned  with  their  blaz- 
ing torches  to  their  homes.  That  must  have  been  a  sight !  paper 
lanterns  are  a  poor  substitute  for  blazing  resin.  So  too,  in  the 
Aztec  times,  on  market  days,  when  the  plaza  was  crowded,  some 
one  would  strike  up  a  well-known  song,  others  and  then  others 
joined  in,  until  at  last  thousands  were  swept  away  by  the  intoxi- 
cation of  song. 

A  CITY  OF  MONUMENTS 

Mexico  has  long  been  a  city  of  monuments;  some  of  these 
are  famous  works  of  art.  During  the  Centennial  it  was  adorned 
with  many  new  ones,  gifts  from  foreign  friends,  and  two  by  na- 
tional appropriation.  The  Paseo  de  la  Eeforma,  the  famous 
pleasure-drive,  was  planned  by  Maximilian.  It  extends  for 
about  two  miles  in  a  straight  line  and  ends  at  the  famous  hill, 
Chapultepec,  upon  which  are  the  president's  palace  and  the  gov- 
ernment Military  Academy.  At  the  beginning  of  this  handsome 
driveway  is  the  equestrian  statue  of  Carlos  IV,  commonly  called 
the  caballito  (little  horse)  or  the  caballo  de  Troja  (horse 
of  Troy).  By  whatever  name  called,  it  is  a  notable  bronze,  cast 
at  a  single  throw.  The  Paseo  is  broken  at  six  points,  equally 
spaced,  by  fine  glorietas,  each  of  which  is  to  be  occupied  by  a 
monument.  Two  have  already  long  been  occupied — the  first 
by  a  good  Columbus,  the  other  by  a  universally  admired 
Cuauhtemoc  (last  of  the  Aztec  rulers).  The  fourth  glorieta  is 


68 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 


ZAPOTEC  INDIANS  AT  HOME.    THESE  WOMEN  ARE  FAMOUS  FOB 
BEAUTY  OF  FOEM  AND  FACE. 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  69 

now  occupied  by  the  monument  of  the  Independence,  dedicated 
on  September  sixteenth  in  the  presence  of  the  Government  and 
all  the  foreign  ambassadors.  The  shaft,  rising  to  a  height  of 
forty-five  meters,  twenty-three  meters  and  more  above  the  great 
pedestal,  surmounted  by  a  golden  figure,  is  a  conspicuous  object 
to  a  great  distance.  Bronze  statues  occupy  the  four  corners  of 
the  pedestal,  and  many  figures  of  the  heroes  in  the  national 
history  are  grouped  together  here.  This  great  work  is  a  na- 
tional monument,  erected  at  the  general  cost.  So  too  is  the 
monument  to  the  great  Juarez,  dedicated  on  the  eighteenth.  It 
is  a  notable  work.  Fronting  the  Avenida  Juarez,  it  has  the 
dense  foliage  of  the  Alameda  for  a  background. 

The  figure  of  Juarez,  being  crowned  by  allegorical  figures, 
caps  the  center  of  the  colonnade;  the  whole  is  constructed  of 
white  marble  and  1,347  blocks,  each  weighing  nine  tons,  were 
used  in  its  construction;  the  total  cost  of  this  memorial  was 
close  to  300,000  pesos. 

NEW  NATIONAL  UNIVERSITY 

The  new  National  University  opened  its  doors  during  the 
centennial  celebration.  In  1553,  almost  seventy  years  before  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  at  Plymouth  Kock,  the  old  university 
of  Mexico  was  founded.  Students  flocked  to  it.  The  occasion 
of  its  opening  has  been  described  in  history.  It  was  a  notable 
school,  patterned  upon  the  ancient  University  of  Salamanca, 
then  the  equal  of  any.  It  did  a  great  work;  it  had  a  checkered 
career,  and  at  last  passed  out  of  existence.  The  opening  of  the 
new  university  was  a  notable  occasion.  For  sponsors  and  pat- 
tern it  took  three  great  schools — Paris,  Salamanca,  and  Califor- 
nia. President  Diaz,  the  Cabinet,  and  visiting  diplomats  were 
present.  Official  delegates  represented  the  Universities  of  Paris, 
Berlin,  Stockholm,  Oviedo,  and  Oxford.  In  the  list  of  Ameri- 
can institutions  sending  accredited  delegates  were,  Harvard, 
Yale,  Princeton,  Syracuse,  Cornell,  Pennsylvania,  Columbia, 
Northwestern,  Illinois,  Washington  (St.  Louis),  Texas,  and  Cali- 
fornia. Minister  Sierra  made  a  notable  address,  and  speeches 


70  THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 

were  made  by  many  of  the  delegates,  that  of  President  Benja- 
min Ide  Wheeler  being  particularly  happy.  At  the  ensuing 
banquet  American  college  yells  were  given  for  Mexico  and 
Sierra.  The  new  university  will  include  a  full  complement  of 
colleges  and  professional  schools. 

A  TRIO  OF  SENTIMENTAL  FUNCTIONS 

Three  curious  diplomatic  functions  took  place  toward  the 
close  of  the  centennial  celebration.  General  Polavieja,  the 
special  ambassador  from  Spain,  brought  President  Diaz,  as  a 
gift  from  King  Alfonso,  the  famous  and  much  prized  Order  of 
Carlos  III.  The  President's  uniform  already  blazed  with 
decorations,  and  one  more  or  less  might  seem  to  be  a  matter  of 
small  importance.  But  this  one  came  from  the  mother-country, 
and  the  founding  of  the  order  goes  back  to  vice-royal  days, 
1771;  so  sentiment  and  history  were  mingled  in  the  courtesy 
and  honor  of  the  gift.  The  ceremony  was  an  impressive  one  and 
took  place  below  the  historic  portrait  of  Carlos  III  presented 
by  the  King  himself  to  the  old  San  Carlos  Academy  of  Fine  Arts, 
of  which  he  was  the  founder.  More  curious,  but  also  full  of 
sentiment,  was  the  occasion  when  the  French  Ambassador, 
Lefaivre,  gave  President  Diaz  the  keys  of  the  City  of  Mexico! 
Half  a  century  ago,  when  in  occupation  of  the  city,  it  seems  the 
French  forces  really  took  the  ceremonial  golden  keys;  these 
were  carried  to  France  where  they  have  been  preserved.  Their 
return  was  made  a  military  function,  all  the  actual  participants 
being  in  uniform.  After  receiving  the  keys,  the  President 
handed  them  to  the  Governor  of  the  Federal  District,  who,  in 
turn,  gave  them  to  the  head  of  the  city  council.  The  most  curious 
of  this  trio  of  sentimental  courtesies  was  the  return  of  the  uni- 
form of  the  revolutionary  hero,  Jose  Maria  Morelos.  General 
Polavieja  was  the  representative  of  Spain  on  the  occasion.  He 
was  escorted  to  the  Palace,  where  the  ceremony  was  held,  by  a 
group  of  cadets  and  aspirantes.  In  the  procession  the  uniform 
was  carried  upon  a  gun-carriage,  in  a  box  made  expressly  for 
the  occasion ;  General  Polavieja  followed ;  then  came  .the  spe- 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED  71 

cial  ambassadors.  Morelos  was  one  of  the  most  interesting 
characters  in  Mexican  history ;  like  Hidalgo,  he  was  a  priest ;  he 
was  perhaps  the  most  vigorous  and  aggressive  of  all  the  revolu- 
tionary heroes.  Captured  by  the  Spaniards,  he  was  first  tried 
by  the  Inquisition  and  degraded  from  the  priesthood;  then, 
turned  over  to  the  Spanish  authorities^  he  was  sentenced  to 
death  and  shot  in  December,  1815,  at  San  Cristobal  Ecatepec. 
His  uniform  was  kept  by  the  Spaniards,  after  the  execution, 
and  was  treasured  in  a  Spanish  artillery  museum  until  this 
favorable  opportunity  presented  itself  for  disposing  of  it  to  the 
advantage  of  sentiment  and  the  knitting  of  friendly  ties. 

THE  PRESIDENT  IN   THE   CENTENNIAL 

Nothing  more  impressed  visitors  from  other  lands  than  the 
vigor  and  endurance  of  President  Diaz — now  eighty  years  of  age 
— in  the  whirl  of  celebrations.  He  was  frightfully  imposed  upon 
and  was  made  to  be  present  at  and  to  participate  in  many  events 
from  which  he  might  have  been  spared.  He  attended  scores  cf 
functions,  made  responses  many  and  happy,  participated  in  pro- 
cessions, endured  daily  banquets  and  balls.  Many  a  younger 
man  would  have  been  worn  out,  but  he  stood  it  finely.  His  name 
is  Porfirio  (porphyry)  and  curiously,  his  mother  was  Petrona 
(rock).  Rock,  son  of  rock,  he  showed  himself. 

THE  COST  OF  CELEBRATION 

It  is  said  that  the  governmental  expense  for  the  centennial 
celebration  was  fifteen  or  sixteen  million  pesos.  It  is  a  goodly 
sum — one  peso  for  each  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  Eepublic ; 
and  common  men,  women  and  children  there  are  very  poor. 
Had  they  their  money's  worth  for  their  outlay?  If  the  celebra- 
tion embodied  appreciation  of  the  principle  for  which  the  heroes 
fought,  if  it  emphasized  the  blessings  of  freedom,  if  it  increased 
respect  for  the  National  Constitution  and  kindled  sound  patrio- 
tism, it  was  cheap  at  that  price. 


72 


THE  CENTENNIAL,  CONTINUED 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

TAPPING  RUBBER.  ISTHMUS  OF  TEHUANTEPEC.  WHILE  RUBBER 
HAS  BEEN  CHIEFLY  PRODUCED  FROM  WILD  TREES,  CULTIVATED 
TREES  ARE  BEGINNING  TO  YIELD. 


MADEKO  AND  HIS  REVOLUTIONARY  HELPEKS.  NO.  3  IS 
FKANCISCO  I,  MADERO, 


AQUILES  SERDAN 


A     BAD      GOVERNOR AN      OPPRESSED      PEOPLE BUTCHER      CABRERA 

ARNULFO    ARROYO    INCIDENT A    STORY    OF    CABRERA THE    FIRST 

OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REVOLUTION THE  SEARCH  ;  DEATH  OF  CABRERA 

THE   BATTLE    OF    SANTA   CLARA   STREET CARMEN    SERDAN THE 

CAPTURE   OF   THE   SERDAN    HOUSE THE    HIDDEN   LEADER JOY   IN 

PUEBLA A  PENDENT  TO  THE  CENTENNIAL. 

OF  all  bad  Governors  in  Mexico,  Mucio  P.  Martinez  perhaps 
was  the  worst.    For  years  the  people  had  appealed  to 
Porfirio  Diaz  for  relief.  But  Martinez  was  the  friend  of 
Porfirio  Diaz ;  more,  Puebla,  though  glorious  in  his  career,  was 
always  a  dangerous  ground  for  Porfirio  Diaz,  and  he  felt  that 
there  he  must  maintain  a  man  of  iron. 

73 


74  AQUILES  SERDAN 

A  BAD  GOVERNOR 

In  Mucio  P.  Martinez  the  great  dictator  had  such  a  man. 
Nothing  better  shows  the  long-suffering  disposition  of  the  com- 
mon Mexican  that  the  fact  that  Mucio  P.  Martinez  was  not  assas- 
sinated. He  was  a  gentleman — a  man  of  manners,  taste,  and  with 
many  good  ideas  along  the  line  of  material  progress.  But  he  was 
a  man  absolutely  without  heart  and  sympathy.  He  was  a  grafter, 
gained  enormous  wealth  during  his  term  of  office,  and  invested 
his  ill-gotten  gains  with  such  wisdom  that  they  returned  him  a 
large  income.  He  was  a  master  in  devising  methods  of  bleeding 
his  people.  There  was  a  time  when  he  coined  blood-money  by 
levying  a  personal  tax  upon,  every  pound  of  meat  eaten  by  the 
people  of  his  state.  He  was  hated,  of  course.  Nor  was  hatred 
confined  to  the  Governor  himself;  it  was  extended  to  his  son, 
whose  lawless  brutality  was  indulged  unchecked  because  no  one 
dared  to  interfere  with  the  son  of  the  chief  officer  of  the  state. 
The  common  people  told  hideous  stories  of  his  wild  doings. 

AN  OPPRESSED  PEOPLE 

The  City  of  Puebla,  the  third  in  the  Kepublic,  has  a  popula- 
tion perhaps  of  95,000  people.  At  one  time  there  was  talk  of  its 
being  the  seat  of  the  centennial  celebration.  The  scheme  was  one 
of  exploitation ;  it  meant  corruption,  blood-money,  graft ;  fortu- 
nately it  failed  of  accomplishment — going  too  far.  But  in  connec- 
tion with  the  centennial  important  public  works  were  undertaken. 
A  hospital  costing,  it  is  said,  a  million  pesos,  was  built  and 
dedicated,  and  an  insane  asylum  one-third  as  costly.  Surely  these 
things  were  creditable?  There  are  two  ways  of  looking  at  such 
things.  If  these  two  public  buildings  had  been  constructed 
honestly  at  that  expense,  they  would  have  been  curses  rather  than 
blessings  in  a  city  of  95,000  people.  A  city  of  that  size  has  no  use 
for  a  hospital  costing  one  million  pesos.  A  state  with  the  popula- 
tion and  resources  of  the  State  of  Puebla  ought  not  to  have  an 
asylum  for  the  insane  costing  three  hundred  thousand  pesos;  the 
construction  of  such  asylums  levies  a  burden  which  tends  to  fill 


AQUILES  SERDAN  75 

them — but  they  are  not  needed  under  normal  circumstances. 
But,  of  course,  these  buildings  were  not  honestly  constructed ;  it 
is  doubtful  whether  the  half  of  their  cost  was  legitimately 
applied.  There  was  large  money  for  some  one  out  of  these 
improvements.  And  the  city  of  Puebla,  instead  of  feeling 
thankful  for  its  splendid  public  institutions  of  philanthropy, 
groaned  the  more  under  the  burden  of  taxation. 

BUTCHER  CABRERA 

Besides  the  Governor,  his  son,  graft,  and  taxation,  Puebla 
had  Miguel  Cabrera;  and  Miguel  Cabrera  was  hated  also.  He 
was  chief  of  police-  of  Puebla.  He  had  been  one  of  the  jailer's 
force  in  the  City  of  Mexico.  He  became  famous  in  connection 
with  the  Arnulf o  Arroyo  incident.  In  1897,  when  the  celebration 
of  September  16th  was  taking  place,  President  Diaz  was  passing 
between  the  double  file  of  cadets  from  the  military  school,  drawn 
up  in  line  upon  Avenida  Juarez. 

ARNULFO  ARROYO  INCIDENT 

A  man  from  the  crowd,  named  Arnulfo  Arroyo,  a  habitual 
drunkard  and  at  that  time  under  the  influence  of  drink,  stepped 
out  into  the  open  space  and  struck  the  President  a  blow  on  the 
head  with  his  clenched  fist.  He  was  probably  unarmed,  and  his 
attack  produced  no  damage  to  the  president's  person.  He  was 
seized  of  course  and  carried  off  to  jail ;  in  the  afternoon  the  judge 
ordered  his  appearance  in  court  for  examination.  The  jailer 
refused  to  send  him,  claiming  that  a  riot  would  be  sure  to  take 
place  and  an  assault  made  upon  the  prisoner.  When  night  came, 
however,  the  police  inspector,  named  Velasquez,  ordered  four 
men,  among  whom  was  Cabrera,  to  assassinate  the  prisoner.  At 
11  o'clock  at  night  they  entered  the  cell  and  carried  out  their 
orders.  During  that  night  a  number  of  persons  passing  through 
the  streets  near  the  police  inspector's  office  were  arrested.  In 
the  morning  the  announcement  was  made  that  a  group  of  people 
from  the  city  had  assaulted  the  police  office  and  lynched  the 
prisoner,  and  it  was  claimed  that  the  score  or  so  of  innocent 


76  AQUiLES  SERDAN 

passers-by  who  had  been  arrested  were  guilty  of  the  crime.  The 
government  did  not  believe  the  story,  ordered  the  persons  who 
had  been  detained  set  at  liberty,  and  instituted  a  case  against  the 
police  mentioned.  The  inspector,  as  soon  as  the  case  was  insti- 
tuted, committed  suicide,  shooting  himself;  the  four  policemen 
were  tried  and  condemned  to  death.  In  their  defense  they  urged 
the  excuse  that  they  had  killed  the  unfortunate  Arroyo  to  show 
their  indignation  at  his  attempt  and  their  affection  for  the  presi- 
dent. Notwithstanding  that  they  had  been  sentenced  to  pay  the 
death  penalty,  they  were  never  punished;  Cabrera,  who  seems  to 
have  been  conspicuous  in  the  deed  of  murder,  was  soon  trans- 
ferred to  Puebla,  where  he  was  made  chief  of  police.  There  he 
soon  made  himself  profoundly  hated.  The  city  reeked  with 
hideous  stories  of  his  brutality  and  criminal  acts.  He  was  com- 
monly known  as  "Butcher  Cabrera. " 

A  STORY  OF  CABRERA 

Among  the  stories  is  one  connected  with  this  title.  It  is  said 
that,  on  one  occasion,  Miguel  Cabrera,  riding  through  the  streets, 
encountered  a  group  of  children  at  play ;  among  them  was  a  child 
less  than  ten  years  of  age  who,  as  the  great  man  passed,  said  to 
the  others,  "There  goes  Butcher  Cabrera. "  It  is  probable  that 
he  had  never  heard  the  man  called  by  any  other  name ;  it  is  likely 
enough  he  thought  it  was  his  real  name.  However  that  may  be, 
Cabrera  ordered  the  whole  group  of  children  taken  to  the  jail ; 
the  rest  were  released  the  following  morning,  but  the  child  who 
had  mentioned  him  was  never  seen  again;  his  mother  sought 
him  day  by  day,  but  found  him  not.  The  people  believed  that 
again  Cabrera  visited  a  cell  at  midnight;  that  again  he  com- 
mitted murder  upon  a  defenseless  prisoner,  but  this  time  a  child 
of  less  than  ten,  whose  only  crime  was  speaking  of  "Butcher 
Cabrera. "  It  makes  little  difference  whether  such  stories  are 
true  or  not,  so  long  as  people  generally  believe  them,  and  the 
people  of  Puebla  did  believe  a  thousand  things  like  that  of  their 
police  officer. 


AQUILES  SERDAN 


77 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

SELLING  CHILIS,  CORDOBA.  THE  CHILI,  OR  RED  PEPPER,  IS  A 
NATIVE  OF  MEXICO  AND  IS  USED  IN  EVERY  PART  OF  THE 
REPUBLIC. 


78  AQUILES  SERDAN 

THE    FIRST    OUTBREAK    OF    THE    REVOLUTION 

It  is  not  strange  that  Puebla  was  ready  for  revolution.  It  is 
no  accident  that  the  first  actual  battle  took  place  there.  Madero 
had  been  in  Puebla.  He  had  spoken  to  the  people  from  the  balcony 
of  the  hotel  in  which  he  lodged.  Among  the  people  of  that  city, 
who  had  been  interested  in  the  cause  of  anti-reelection,  a  man 
named  Aquiles  Serdan  was  leader.  He  had  been  active  in  the 
propaganda.  He  had  organized,  advised,  raised  funds,  written, 
spoken,  in  favor  of  the  movement.  He  was  recognized  by  Madero 
as  the  chief  agent  of  the  cause  in  Puebla ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
it  was  understood  that,  when  the  final  outbreak  came,  if  success 
crowned  their  efforts,  Serdan  should  be  made  governor  of  the 
state.  He  was  suspected,  watched.  It  was  well  understood  in  the 
city  of  Puebla  that  plotting  was  in  progress.  Twice  the  house  in 
which  Aquiles  Serdan  lived  had  been  searched,  but  nothing  of 
serious  importance  had  been  found.  On  November  14th,  a  house 
belonging  to  a  family  named  Rousset  was  searched,  and  three 
members  of  the  family  were  arrested  and  held. 

THE  SEARCH;  DEATH  OF  CABRERA 

The  plan  arranged  by  Madero  involved  a  general  outbreak  on 
November  20th  throughout  the  Republic;  two  days  before  that 
date,  on  November  18th,  Miguel  Cabrera,  accompanied  by  a  num- 
ber of  police,  appeared  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  at  Serdan 's 
house  to  make  a  search  again.  Some  of  his  force  of  policemen 
were  left  outside;  with  others,  when  the  door  was  opened,  he 
passed  through  the  zaguan,  and  the  door  was  closed  behind  him. 
As  he  directed  his  way  to  the  patio,  a  voice  cried,  "Stop!  with- 
draw! we  are  armed  and  shall  defend  ourselves  by  shooting. " 
It  is  said  that  Cabrera  ordered  his  men  to  fire ;  they  did  so  rather 
at  random.  The  shots  of  the  policemen  were  returned,  and 
Cabrera  and  one  of  his  companions  named  Murrieta  fell  dead ; 
Fregoso,  who  accompanied  them,  was  said  to  have  been  wounded 
and  retired  to  an  interior  room.  Stories  regarding  him  vary,  and 
there  is  doubt  whether  he  was  not  intentionally  spared  by  the 


AQUILES  SERDAN  79 

people  in  the  Serdan  house.  The  other  policemen  who  were  with 
Cabrera  quickly  withdrew  into  the  streets;  immediate  aid  was 
summoned.  The  bodies  of  Cabrera  and  Murrieta  were  thrown 
out  of  the  house  onto  the  street  and  the  door  was  closed.  For  a 
little  time  there  was  silence  in  Santa  Clara  street. 

THE   BATTLE    ON    SANTA   CLARA   STREET 

Soon,  however,  forces  gathered.  General  Valle,  chief  of 
arms  in  Puebla,  and  Col.  Gaudencio  de  la  Llave  responded  with 
considerable  forces.  The  street  of  Santa  Clara  was  full  of  troops. 
Some  of  the  soldiers  mounted  the  church  towers  and  roofs  from 
which  they  looked  down  upon  the  house  in  which  the  revolu- 
tionists were  sheltered.  A  lively  firing  was  carried  on  against 
the  balconies  and  azoteas  of  Serdan 's  house.  The  firing  was 
returned  with  vigor.  Every  now  and  then  dynamite  bombs  were 
hurled  from  the  house  to  the  street  below;  they  exploded  with 
great  violence,  making  much  noise,  but  doing  little  damage.  It  is 
believed  that  they  were  intended  as  signals  for  summoning 
revolutionists  from  every  part  of  the  city  of  Puebla.  If  so,  they 
were  without  result,  for  no  aid  came  to  the  besieged  force.  The 
battle  continued  for  three  hours.  More  than  sixty  dead  and' 
wounded  were  lying  in  the  street  before  it  ended.  At  one  time,  in 
the  early  part  of  the  battle,  the  sister  of  Aquiles  appeared  upon 
the  balcony  and  appealed  for  aid  to  the  crowd  in  the  street  below. 
A  newspaper  representative,  who  claims  to  have  been  a  personal 
witness  of  the  event,  described  her  appearance  as  follows : 

CARMEN  SERDAN 

"In  these  moments  I  could  see  a  woman  appear  upon  the 
principal  balcony  of  the  house,  and,  addressing  the  spectators 
who  were  near  Santa  Teresa,  harangued  them,  brandishing  a  rifle 
in  her  right  hand.  I  confess  that  such  an  act  of  bravery  on  the 
part  of  a  woman  who,  I  later  found,  was  Carmen  Serdan,  filled 
me  with  enthusiasm,  with  admiration,  and  with  sadness,  thinking 
how  without  result  her  heroism  would  prove.  The  crowd  of 
people  remained  mute,  quiet,  unmoved.  There  was  no  impulse  to 


80 


AQUILES  SERDAN 


Ighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

IXTACCIHUATL  (THE  WHITE  WOMAN).     SNOW  CAPPED  RIDGE  OF  THE 
VALLEY  OF  MEXICO.     SEEN  FROM  THE  PLTEBLA  SIDE. 


AQUILES  SERDAN 


81 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

WASHING-PLACE,  LAVENDERIA;  JALAPA. 


82  AQUILES  SERDAN 

run  to  the  aid  of  that  woman  who  offered  arms  and  ammunition 
and  who  begged  for  aid.  Was  it  for  lack  of  sympathy  with  the 
Maderist  cause?  Was  it  for  cowardice?  Who  can  say?  I  only 
know  that  the  multitude,  so  easy  to  move  in  other  circumstances, 
remained  unaffected.  Carmen  Serdan  should  have  been  ashamed 
to  ask  aid  from  those  who  could  not,  or  who  would  not,  lend  it. 
There  she  stood  still  in  the  balcony,  her  magnificent  figure  clearly 
standing  forth,  with  disordered  hair,  pale  face,  flashing  eyes, 
nervous  action,  when  several  shots  were  heard  fired  by  the 
gendarmes — into  the  air.  She  did  not  seem  to  hear  the  shots, 
nor  did  life  count  for  her  in  those  moments.  She  continued  crying, 
gesticulating,  until  a  hand  was  seen,  and  a  strong  arm  caught  her 
by  the  clothing,  and  drew  her  back  into  the  house,  the  door  of  the 
balcony  closing  again. " 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  SERDAN  HOUSE 

When  finally  the  soldiers  of  Colonel  de  la  Llave  entered  the 
house  and  brought  the  combat  to  an  end,  they  found  only  three 
living  persons — all  women.  Stories  differ  as  to  how  many  insur- 
gents had  been  involved  in  the  battle.  One  writer  claims  that  there 
were  none  excepting  Maximo  Serdan,  Aquiles,  the  mother  Josefa 
Alatriste,  the  sister  Carmen  Serdan,  and  Serdan 's  wife,  Filo- 
mena  del  Valle.  Some  claim  that  there  were  a  hundred  insurgents 
in  the  house  during  the  battle,  but  that  they  all  escaped.  Carmen 
Serdan  herself  states  that  there  were  in  their  party  seventeen 
persons  in  all,  including  the  three  women.  Her  brother  Maximo 
was  killed;  some  of  the  little  force  escaped;  there  were  dead 
bodies  in  the  house  at  the  time  of  its  surrender.  During  the 
battle  the  women  were  busily  engaged  loading  guns,  bringing 
ammunition,  and  helping  the  men  in  every  possible  fashion. 

THE  HIDDEN  LEADER 

But  where  was  Aquiles  Serdan?  The  three  women  were  taken 
to  the  police  office ;  a  guard  was  left  in  charge  of  the  surrendered 
house.  Search  was  made  of  the  premises,  but  no  sign  of  the 
leader  of  the  insurrection  was  to  be  found.  The  populace  was 


AQUILES  SERB  AN  83 

certain  that  there  must  be  secret  tunnels  through  which  large 
numbers  had  escaped.  Search  was  made  for  such,  and  a  tunnel 
was  actually  found,  but  no  sign  of  persons  in  it,  nor  evidence 
that  it  had  been  used.  It  was  flooded  with  water  in  the  hope  of 
drowning  out  any  who  might  be  concealed.  Wild  stories  were 
afloat  of  subterranean  mines,  and  it  was  believed  that  any 
moment  great  explosions  fired  by  revolutionists  might  destroy 
the  city.  But  nothing  of  the  kind  took  place.  Everything  was 
quiet.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Aquiles  Serdan  was  in  hiding.  When 
only  the  three  women  and  himself  were  left  of  the  defenders,  he 
was  concealed  by  them  before  the  house  was  carried  by  assault. 
Some  of  the  floor  tilings  had  been  lifted,  and  underneath  them, 
prepared  no  doubt  beforehand  with  a  view  to  concealment  in 
some  hour  of  need,  was  a  small  excavated  space,  just  large 
enough  to  contain  Aquiles  Serdan  in  a  cramped  position.  He  had 
crept  into  this  place  of  shelter.  The  women  had  replaced  the 
flooring.  Eugs  had  been  thrown  carelessly  over  the  spot.  Not- 
withstanding a  careful  search  of  the  premises,  the  police  did  not 
find  him.  For  hours  he  lay  concealed.  He  must  have  suffered 
frightful  torture  from  his  cramped  position  and  lack  of  air.  The 
police  guard,  however,  was  in  the  very  room  under  the  floor  of 
which  he  lay  as  if  within  a  coffin.  For  fourteen  hours  he  occupied 
his  cell.  Finally  he  could  stand  it  no  longer;  hearing  no  conversa- 
tion and  believing  that  the  guard  were  asleep,  he  cautiously  and 
quietly  lifted  the  flooring  and  tried  to  emerge  from  his  retreat. 
The  noise  he  made,  however,  called  attention,  and  he  was  seen ; 
one  of  the  police  discharged  his  pistol.  Aquiles  cried,  "Do  not 
kill  me.  I  am  Serdan."  Instantly  three  revolvers  were  again 
discharged,  and  he  was  dead. 

.TOY  IN  PUEBLA 

And  the  people  of  Puebla  went  mad  with  joy  because  Miguel 
Cabrera  had  gone  to  his  reward.  Printed  sheets  were  sold  upon 
the  streets  before  the  day  was  over,  bordered  with  black,  bearing 
a  cross  with  flowers,  and  the  words :  "To-day  at  half -past  eight 
in  the  morning,  there  died  in  the  bosom  of  all  the  devils,  the 


84  AQUILES  SERDAN 

cowardly  assassin,  the  vile  inquisitor,  chief  of  informers,  Miguel 
Cabrera.  His  victims,  trade  and  the  people  in  general,  on  the 
reception  of  such  pleasant  news,  invite  you  to  celebrate  the  loss 
of  such  a  heavy  burden  and  the  birth  in  the  deepest  hells  of  the 
soul  of  such  a  bad  man.  Puebla,  November  18, 1910.  Deep  curses 
the  soul  of  this  condemned  man  encounters  in  the  depth  of  hell. ' ' 

A  PENDENT  TO  THE  CENTENNIAL 

The  Serdan  incident  is  a  suggestive  pendent  to  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  centennial.  It  was  only  an  incident — of  no  great  sig- 
nificance. Serdan  was  not  a  great  man ;  it  is  even  probable  that 
he  was  abnormal ;  but  he  was  the  first  actual  martyr  to  the  new 
cause.  Naturally  the  Maderists  made  him  a  hero.  After  Madero 
came  to  power,  it  was  ordered  that  a  monument  should  be  erected 
by  the  public  to  his  memory.  It  was  no  doubt  premature,  beyond 
his  merits ;  but  the  battle  of  the  street  of  Santa  Clara  made  a  deep 
impression  upon  the  mind  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  public. 
It  will  not  be  forgotten. 


HTJTCHOT,  rNTDTATSTS.    SAID  TO  HAVE  COME  TO  MEXICO  TO 
SERVE  AS  MADERO  GUARDS. 


ARMORED  CARS,  BUILT  FOR  DIAZ;  IN  USE  BY  MADERO'S  FORCES. 


THE  IRON  HAND 

THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  DIAZ HIS   MILITARY  CAREER BATTLING  AGAINST 

THE  ARMY  OF  INTERVENTION DURING  THE  EMPIRE ESCAPE  FROM 

PRISON LEADER  OF  OPPOSITION TROUBLE  WITH  LERDO  DE  TEJADA 

PRESIDENT  FOR  THE  FIRST  TIME ADMINISTRATION   OF   MANUEL 

GONZALES DIAZ    RETURNED    TO    POWER MEXICO,    A    COUNTRY    OF 

AMBASSADORIAL  RANK ENCOURAGEMENT  OF  PROGRESS THE  PIUS 

CLAIMS RESUMPTION     OF    RELATIONS    WITH    AUSTRO-HUNGARY 

EXPRESSION  REGARDING  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

IN  1907,  when  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  Mr.  Boot,  our  Secretary 
of  State,  said  the  following : 

"It  has  seemed  to  me  that  of  all  the  men  now  living,  Presi- 
dent Porfirio  Diaz  of  Mexico  was  best  worth  seeing.  Whether  one 
considers  the  adventurous,  daring,  chivalric  incidents  of  his  early 
career;  whether  one  considers  the  vast  work  of  government 

85 


86  THE  IRON  HAND 

which  his  wisdom  and  courage  and  commanding  character  ac- 
complish; whether  one  considers  his  singularly  attractive  per- 
sonality, no  one  lives  today  whom  I  had  rather  see  than  President 
Diaz.  If  I  were  a  poet,  I  would  write  poetic  eulogies ;  if  I  were 
a  musician,  I  would  compose  triumphal  marches;  if  I  were  a 
Mexican,  I  should  feel  that  the  steadfast  loyalty  of  a  lifetime 
could  not  do  too  much  in  return  for  the  blessings  that  he  has 
brought  to  my  country.  "As  I  am  neither  poet,  musician,  nor 
Mexican,  but  only  an  American,  who  loves  justice  and  liberty, 
and  hopes  to  see  their  reign  among  mankind  progress  and 
strengthen  and  become  perpetual,  I  look  to  Porfirio  Diaz,  the 
President  of  Mexico,  as  one  of  the  greatest  men  to  be  held  up 
for  the  hero-worship  of  mankind." 

One  of  three  things,  either  Porfirio  Diaz  was  really  a  great 
man,  or  Mr.  Root  was  no  judge  of  men,  or  his  standard  of  judg- 
ment for  a  hero  in  the  direction  of  justice  and  liberty  was  errone- 
ous. It  is  worth  while  for  a  little  to  consider  the  life  and  the 
achievements  of  the  man  who  in  1910  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
Mexican  Nation. 

THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  DIAZ 

Porfirio  Diaz  was  born  in  Oaxaca  Sept.  15, 1830.  It  will  be  no- 
ticed that  the  date  coincides  with  the  anniversary  of  the  grito  of 
independence  raised  by  Hidalgo  twenty-four  years  before.  This 
was  a  matter  of  convenience  when,  with  the  achievement  of  great- 
ness, the  celebration  of  his  birthday,  became  a  matter  of  public 
interest.  His  father  was  a  Spaniard,  his  mother  was  one-fourth 
Mixtec  Indian.  It  was  common  for  those  who  did  not  admire 
Porfirio  Diaz  in  his  days  of  power  to  refer  to  his  ' l  Indian  admin- 
istration. ' '  Most  of  the  strong  qualities  which  the  man  possessed 
are  really  Indian  qualities,  even  though  he  must  be  considered 
as  having  only  one-eighth  of  Indian  blood  in  his  veins.  When 
fifteen  years  of  age,  the  boy  entered  the  Seminary  in  Oaxaca,  and 
it  looked  as  if  he  might  become  a  priest ;  at  the  end  of  four  years, 
however,  in  the  Seminary,  he  entered  the  famous  Institute  of 
Arts  and  Sciences  and  turned  his  attention  to  law.  In  connec- 


THE  IRON  HAND  87 

tion  with  his  law  studies,  he  was  under  the  direction  and  instruc- 
tion of  Benito  Juarez.  He  left  school  before  he  received  his 
license  to  practice  law.  From  1853  he  was  associated  with  the 
liberal  party  and  soon  came  to  be  a  power  in  it  within  his  state. 
He  gained  the  hostility  of  Santa  Anna,  and  was  obliged  for 
several  months  during  the  year  1855  to  remain  in  concealment 
from  his  enemies.  At  the  close  of  that  year,  he  became  sub- 
prefect  of  Ixtlan. 

HIS    MILITAKY    CAKEEK 

At  Ixtlan  he  was  actively  interested  in  the  liberal  cause  and 
raised  troops  to  fight  against  the  conservatives.  He  was 
wounded  in  a  battle  on  Aug.  13,  1857,  but  gained  a  victory.  In 
1858  the  conservatives  were  completely  crushed  in  the  capital 
city  of  his  state.  Shortly  afterwards  Diaz  led  the  forces  which 
succeeded  in  capturing  Tehuantepec,  and  was  appointed  gov- 
ernor and  military  commander  of  that  department.  In  1859  he 
gained  a  victory  at  Mixtequilla,  which  brought  him  the  appoint- 
ment of  colonel  in  the  National  Guards.  On  Nov.  25  of  the  same 
year  he  again  captured  Tehuantepec  after  a  brilliant  victory, 
which  secured  for  him  a  colonelcy  in  the  regular  army.  On  Aug. 
8, 1860,  the  liberals  again  captured  the  city  of  Oaxaca,  and  almost 
immediately,  Diaz  and  his  victorious  forces,  moved  northward 
and  were  with  the  liberal  troops  when  they  entered  the  capital 
city  in  triumph. 

In  1861  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  National  Congress 
from  Ixtlan.  He  was  more  interested,  however,  in  military  than 
in  legislative  matters,  and  soon  joined  General  Ortega  in  pur- 
suit of  the  retreating  conservative  forces.  He  assailed  and  de- 
feated the  notorious  and  cruel  Gen.  Leonardo  Marquez  near 
Jalatlaco,  gaining  a  great  victory,  and  at  the  same  time  the  ap- 
pointment of  brigadier-general.  Oct.  20  General  Diaz  took  part 
in  the  battle  of  Pachuca,  which  practically  ended  the  three-year 
War  of  the  Eeform. 


88 


THE  IRON  HAND 


Photograph  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

PORFIRIO  DIAZ. 
Picture  taken  after  his  retirement  from  office. 


THE  IRON  HAND 


89 


LTJIZ  TERRAZAS:   LONG-TIME  GOVERNOR  OF  CHIHUAHUA,  A  FRIEND  OF  DIAZ 
AND  ONE  WHO  PROFITED  BY  THE  OLD  REGIME. 


90  THE  IRON  HAND 

BATTLING  AGAINST  THE  ARMY  OF  INTERVENTION 

It  was  the  moment  of  the  French  invasion.  General  Diaz 
was  put  in  command  of  the  second  brigade  of  the  army  and  in 
1862  sent  against  the  invaders.  At  Escamula,  State  of  Vera 
Cruz,  there  was  a  battle  between  the  two  armies.  Diaz  held  his 
own,  but  fell  back  to  Puebla.  There  he  joined  his  forces  to  those 
of  Ignacio  Zaragoza,  who  was  the  commander  in  charge.  A 
great  and  glorious  victory  was  gained  on  May  5.  The  battle  was 
so  notable  for  the  bravery  shown  and  the  result  accomplished 
that  the  date,  May  5,  has  been  a  national  holiday  up  to  the  present 
time.  The  French,  however,  received  reinforcements  and  a  sec- 
ond battle  at  Puebla  was  fought  with  different  results.  The 
French  were  successful  and  many  of  the  Mexican  officers  were 
taken  prisoners.  Among  them  was  Porfirio  Diaz.  The  French 
demanded  that  the  prisoners  should  sign  a  promise  not  to  at- 
tempt escape.  Many  of  them  did  so,  but  Diaz  refused.  A  special 
guard  was  therefore  placed  upon  him,  but  he  succeeded  in  elud- 
ing their  vigilance  and  made  good  his  flight.  He  reached  the 
City  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  made  general  of  division. 

DURING  THE  EMPIRE 

When  finally  Maximilian  made  his  appearance  and  the  Em- 
pire was  established,  the  liberal  forces  were  scattered.  With 
some  Juarez  retreated  northward;  with  others,  Diaz  protected 
the  south,  and  throughout  the  period  of  the  imperial  govern- 
ment was  more  or  less  active  in  his  field.  Maximilian,  with  his 
set  policy  of  trying  to  win  over  the  leading  men  of  the  opposi- 
tion, repeatedly  made  overtures  to  Diaz  to  take  position  in  the 
imperial  army.  These  were  constantly  refused,  and  through  the 
independent  struggle  Porfirio  Diaz  showed  himself  a  genuine 
patriot.  At  Taxco,  a  valiant  assault  was  made  and  the  town  was 
captured.  This  victory  won  for  the  loyal  leader  the  appoint- 
ment of  major-general. 

Marshal  Bazaine  himself  moved  southward  from  the  capital 
city  with  a  considerable  force  and  besieged  Diaz  in  Oaxaca,  where 
at  the  time  he  was  governor  of  the  state.  After  a  long  siege  the 


THE  IRON  HAND  91 

city  was  captured  and  Diaz  made  a  prisoner.  He  was  transferred 
to  Puebla,  where  he  was  confined.  While  here,  a  prisoner,  new 
overtures  were  made  to  him,  promising  pardon  and  position. 
They  were  promptly  and  firmly  refused. 

ESCAPE    FKOM    PKISON 

In  the  hope  of  escaping  from  his  prison  Diaz  had  been  en- 
gaged in  excavating  a  tunnel,  leading  from  his  cell  toward  free- 
dom. It  was  almost  finished,  and  the  hope  of  escape  was  bright, 
when  he  was  transferred  to  another  building  and  all  his  work 
was  lost.  His  new  prison  was  an  ancient  convent  building.  Here, 
too,  he  planned  escape.  He  was  in  communication  with  friends 
outside  and  from  them  he  secured  four  ropes  and  a  knife.  One 
night  he  tied  three  of  the  ropes  together,  rolled  them  into  a  coil, 
and  tossed  them  to  a  roof  above  him.  With  the  single  rope  he 
succeeded  in  forming  attachment  to  a  projecting  point  above 
his  room  and  climbing  up  it,  gained  the  roof  to  which  he  had 
thrown  his  long  ropes.  He  then  cautiously  walked  from  roof 
to  roof,  by  moonlight,  until  he  reached  a  place  where  it  was  pos- 
sible to  tie  his  three-spliced  ropes,  by  which  he  descended  to 
the  ground  below.  He  quickly  found  the  spot  where  a  horse, 
servant  and  guide  were  waiting  for  him,  and  made  good  his 
escape.  The  news  that  he  was  again  at  freedom  quickly  gath- 
ered volunteers  about  him,  until  by  June,  1866,  he  had  a  con- 
siderable following.  It  was  badly  equipped  and  poorly  trained. 
But  with  it  he  soon  gained  important  victories  at  Nochixtlan, 
Miahuatlan  and  La  Carbonera,  These  were  won  against  well- 
trained  and  well-equipped  European  soldiery.  He  next  besieged 
the  capital  city  of  Oaxaca,  which  finally  surrendered  to  him  on 
Oct.  31.  The  victory  was  notable,  as  by  it  he  took  1,100  prisoners, 
much  ammunition  and  thirty  cannons.  During  December  he  was 
again  in  the  district  of  Tehuantepec,  where  he  was  successful 
in  several  engagements.  The  south  having  been  conquered,  he 
took  his  way  northward,  and  on  April  2,  1867,  gained  another 
victory  at  Puebla.  Eight  days  later,  at  San  Lorenzo  he  was  suc- 
cessful in  a  battle  against  Leonardo  Marquez.  Marquez  re- 


92 


THE  IRON  HAND 


THE  IRON  HAND  93 

treated  to  Mexico,  where  he  was  besieged  by  the  soldiers  under 
the  direction  of  Diaz.  On  June  9  he  attempted  to  make  a  sally 
from  the  city,  but  met  with  no  success.  On  June  21  he  surren- 
dered, the  city  having  been  besieged  since  the  12th  of  April. 
Diaz  and  his  forces  now  took  charge  of  the  capital  city  of  the 
republic,  where  he  remained  until  President  Juarez  and  his 
government  returned  from  the  north  on  July  15.  He  then  re- 
fused appointment  in  the  new  government  and  retired  to  his 
country  place,  La  Noria.  He  was  unquestionably  extremely  pop- 
ular as  the  hero  of  the  independent  army.  He  had  been  at  this 
time  actually  engaged  in  forty-one  battles,  and  had  gained  many 
notable  victories. 

LEADER   OF   OPPOSITION 

He  had  been  conspicuous  in  his  aid  to  the  Juarez  government 
and  the  liberal  cause.  He  was  soon,  however,  dissatisfied"  with 
Juarez,  and  when  a  constitutional  election  was  ordered,  entered 
the  field  against  him  as  candidate  for  position  of  the  President 
of  the  Republic.  There  were  three  candidates — Benito  Juarez, 
Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada  and  Porfirio  Diaz.  Juarez  was  suc- 
cessful. When  Juarez  ran  for  President  again,  four  years  later, 
Diaz  and  Lerdo  were  again  competitors  with  him.  Again  Juarez 
was  returned,  and  now  his  former  supporter  and  chief  military 
helper  was  busied  in  taking  the  field  in  arms  against  him.  The 
death  of  Juarez  interfered  with  vigorous  action  on  the  part  of 
Diaz.  When  a  new  election  was  arranged,  Lerdo  was  again  a 
candidate  and  Diaz  ran  against  him.  A  third  time  he  met  defeat. 

TROUBLE  WITH  LERDO  DE  TEJADA 

During  the  life  of  Juarez,  Diaz  had  launched  the  Plan  of  La 
Noria,  now  he  was  interested  in  the  Plan  of  Tuxtepec.  This 
time  he  took  the  field  against  Lerdo.  The  President  at  all  times 
distrusted  him.  Once  in  power,  he  had  taken  steps  for  his  re- 
moval and  Diaz  had  been  in  exile  or  concealment.  One  of  the 
stories  which  Mexicans  delight  to  tell  of  the  hero  was  during 
this  time.  Diaz  had  been  a  refugee  in  the  United  States.  He 


94  THE  IRON  HAND 

had  determined  to  return  to  Mexico  and  took  steamer  at  New 
Orleans  for  Vera  Cruz.  As  they  neared  Tampico,  he  was  recog- 
nized by  officers  of  the  Mexican  army,  who  were  on  board  with  a 
considerable  number  of  government  soldiers;  they  kept  close 
watch  upon  him  with  the  intention  of  seizing  him  and  delivering 
him  a  prisoner  when  they  should  be  in  port.  He  knew  that  he 
had  been  detected  and  that  the  situation  was  critical;  taking  a 
knife  to  use  as  protection  in  case  of  need  against  sharks  which 
were  supposed  to  swarm  in  Tampico  bay,  he  leaped  overboard  in 
the  hope  of  saving  himself  by  swimming.  It  was  a  bold  act  from 
every  point  of  view.  He  was,  however,  seen  and  captured 
and  when  brought  on  board  the  steamer  the  officers  desired  to 
court  martial  him.  To  this  the  captain  of  the  steamer  objected, 
but  promised  that  he  might  be  kept  a  prisoner  until  Vera  Cruz, 
where  he  should  be  delivered  up.  He  was  watched  in  his  cabin 
with  care ;  he  nevertheless  succeeded  in  eluding  the  vigilance  of 
the  guard  and  threw  a  life-preserver  overboard  in  order  to  mis- 
lead his  enemies.  Meantime  he  took  refuge  in  the  purser 's  cabin, 
where  he  found  concealment  in  a  sort  of  cupboard,  or  wardrobe. 
Here  he  remained  concealed  for  several  days,  in  great  discom- 
fort, living  on  water  and  crackers  which  were  secretly  conveyed 
to  him.  He  was  in  imminent  risk  of  discovery  during  the  time, 
although  it  was  actually  believed,  the  life-preserver  having  been 
discovered,  that  he  had  met  his  death  by  drowning.  When  finally 
the  Plan  of  Tuxtepec  was  promulgated,  Diaz  returned  to  Mexico 
and  took  part  in  the  revolution  against  President  Lerdo  de 
Tejada.  Political  matters  were  in  great  confusion.  Senor  Lerdo 
attempted  to  maintain  himself  in  office ;  Jose  Maria  Iglesias,  as 
president  of  the  supreme  court,  declared  himself  legitimately 
in  power,  in  case  Lerdo 's  right  were  in  dispute ;  he  not  only  made 
this  claim,  but  organized  an  actual  government,  with  himself  as 
head,  in  Guanajuato.  There  were  thus  three  claimants  for  power, 
Lerdo,  Iglesias  and  Diaz.  Lerdo  sent  General  Alatorre  against 
the  revolutionists.  He  was  defeated  at  Tecoac  by  the  forces 
under  Porfirio  Diaz  and  Manuel  Gonzales.  Lerdo  fled  to  the 
United  States,  where  he  remained  an  exile  till  his  death.  It  is 


THE  IRON  HAND  95 

said  that  lie  carried  a  considerable  amount  of  public  money 
with  him.    Iglesias  and  his  paper  government  came  to  naught. 

PEESIDENT  FOK  THE  FIRST  TIME 

An  election  was  arranged  for  Dec.  16  and  by  it  Porfirio  Diaz 
was  elected  President  of  the  Eepublic.  On  April  1,  1877,  Con- 
gress officially  declared  his  election  and  dated  his  term  of  office 
back  to  Nov.  30.  It  is  interesting  to  recall  that  for  a  time  the 
United  States  Government  refused  to  recognize  Diaz  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  secured  the  office  by  non-constitutional  meth- 
ods. He,  however,  remained  in  power  and  served  through  his 
term  of  four  years.  He  proved  a  vigorous  ruler,  with  many 
excellent  ideas.  He  had  to  meet  various  uprisings.  The  most 
important  of  these  was  a  mutiny  of  the  garrison  and  the  sailors 
on  the  war  vessels  at  Vera  Cruz  and  a  revolution  headed  by 
General  Escobedo,  who  came  from  Texas  for  the  purpose.  These 
and  various  other  uprisings,  however,  were  crushed  with  no  great 
difficulty.  When  finally,  in  1880,  his  term  of  office  ended,  he  re- 
fused a  reelection,  as  there  was  a  constitutional  prohibition 
against  the  President  of  Mexico  serving  two  consecutive  terms. 
Accordingly  Gen.  Manuel  Gonzales  was  elected  to  the  office  and 
held  from  1880  to  1884.  When  President  Diaz  yielded  the  chair 
peacefully  to  his  successor,  it  was  only  the  second  time  in  the 
history  of  the  Mexican  Eepublic  that  such  a  thing  had  happened. 
During  his  first  term  of  office,  the  wife  of  President  Diaz  died. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  MANUEL  GONZALES 

There  is  no  question  that  Manuel  Gonzales  was  the  choice 
of  President  Diaz  and  that  he  was  largely  under  the  influence 
of  his  predecessor  throughout  his  term  of  office.  He  appointed 
General  Diaz  a  member  of  his  cabinet,  giving  him  the  department 
of  Fomento.  As  secretary  of  this  department,  Diaz  inaugurated 
various  works  of  public  improvement,  the  most  important  of. 
which  certainly  was  the  improvements  at  Tampico.  Diaz  soon 
found,  however,  that  he  was  looked  upon  with  suspicion  and 
jealousy  by  his  fellow  members  of  the  cabinet  and  resigned 


96  THE  IRON  HAND 

his  office.  He  was  elected  senator,  but  this  was  hardly  to  his 
taste.  Chosen  Governor  of  Oaxaca,  he  found  this  position  more 
agreeable  and  held  it  for  some  time.  Under  his  administration, 
the  state  made  notable  progress.  Its  financial  condition  was 
greatly  improved ;  the  construction  of  the  Tehauntepec  Railway 
was  undertaken ;  the  schools  and  system  of  public  education  were 
greatly  developed.  Finally,  however,  he  solicited  a  leave  of 
absence  and  returned  to  Mexico.  Here  he  married  Carmen 
Eomero  Rubio,  daughter  of  the  well-known  Manuel  Romero 
Rubio,  who  had  been  a  member  of  Lerdo's  cabinet,  and  with 
whom  Diaz  was  well  acquainted,  although  they  had  represented 
different  ideas  in  policies.  The  marriage  took  place  in  1882. 
The  lady  was  beautiful,  elegant  and  accomplished.  She  has 
always  been  a  great  favorite  with  the  Mexican  people,  and  not- 
withstanding the  disparity  in  age  between  them,  the  marriage 
has  usually  been  considered  a  happy  one.  With  his  wife,  Presi- 
dent Diaz  made  an  extended  journey  in  the  United  States.  They 
were  everywhere  lionized,  and  in  our  great  cities  much  attention 
was  shown  them. 

DIAZ  RETURNED  TO  POWER 

When  in  1884  Manuel  Gonzales*  term  of  office  ended,  Por- 
firio  Diaz  was  elected  President  for  a  second  term.  From  this 
time  on,  President  Diaz  remained  in  office.  When  his  second 
term  neared  its  close,  the  laws  had  been  so  changed  that  it  was 
possible  for  a  man  to  hold  two  consecutive  terms  of  office.  Before 
his  third  term  ran  out,  the  constitution  had  been  so  amended 
that  there  was  no  bar  to  constant  reelection.  From  1884  to  1910, 
with  its  splendid  centennial  celebration,  Porfirio  Diaz  was  con- 
stantly at  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  state.  He  was  often  referred 
to  as  the  ruler  with  the  iron  hand.  He  repressed  all  efforts  at 
revolution.  He  surrounded  himself'  with  strong  men  whose 
.interests  were  best  served  by  giving  him  most  loyal  service.  He 
made  many  and  notable  public  improvements  to  which  reference 
will  be  made  in  another  place.  Here  we  shall  only  speak  of  his 
political  achievements. 


THE  IRON  HAND  97 

MEXICO,  A  NATION  OF  AMBASSADORIAL  BANK 

In  1899  Porfirio  Diaz  raised  the  Republic  of  Mexico  to  ambas- 
sadorial rank.  When  it  is  remembered  that  out  of  Mexico 's 
15,000,000  population,  6,000,000  perhaps  are  of  pure  Indian 
blood,  and  that  7,000,000  more  are  extremely  poor  persons  of 
mixed  Indian  and  Spanish  blood,  it  will  be  realized  that  this  was 
an  achievement  in  politics  of  an  extraordinary  grade.  It  is,  of 
course,  open  to  question  whether  it  is  an  advantage  for  a  popula- 
tion like  Mexico  to  be  weighted  down  with  the  costly  luxury  of 
occupying  ambassadorial  rank;  this,  however,  does  not  in  the 
slightest  affect  the  magnitude  of  the  achievement.  The  last  rep- 
resentative of  the  republic  at  Washington  as  Minister  was  the 
famous  Mateo  Romero.  The  first  Ambassador  sent  to  us  was 
Manuel  Aspiroz,  who  made  his  fame  largely  by  conducting  the 
cause  against  the  Emperor  Maximilian. 

ENCOUKAGEMENT  OF  PROGEESS 

Porfirio  Diaz  was  always  anxious  that  Mexico  should  par- 
ticipate in  all  sorts  of  international  conferences  and  gatherings. 
Not  only  were  strong  delegations  sent  from  Mexico  to  congresses 
and  conferences  of  scientific,  literary,  artistic  and  political  char- 
acter in  every  portion  of  the  world,  but  many  international  meet- 
ings were  held  in  Mexico.  Mexico  and  the  United  States  were 
the  only  American  Republics  invited  to  the  first  peace  conference 
at  The  Hague.  The  second  Pan-American  Congress  was  held 
in  the  City  of  Mexico.  Three  times  the  Congress  of  Americanists 
has  been  entertained  by  Mexico.  Geographical,  geological  and 
medical  gatherings  had  met  there.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Presi- 
dent Diaz  desired  through  such  gatherings  to  impress  upon  the 
outside  world  the  fact  that  Mexico  was  truly  a  great  nation, 
well  abreast  of  other  nations  in  such  lines  of  progress. 

THE  PIUS  CLAIMS 

One  of  the  first  cases  submitted  to  The  Hague  Tribunal  was 
the  matter  of  the  Pius  Claims,  disputed  between  Mexico  and 
the  United  States.  This  case  was  submitted  in  1902,  and  waa 


98  THE  IRON  HAND 

decided  adversely  for  Mexico.  It  is  commonly  believed  through- 
out Latin  American  that  justice  was  with  Mexico.  Our  repre- 
sentatives, however,  before  the  tribunal,  insisted  on  confining 
the  discussion  to  certain  technical  points  of  law  instead  of  per- 
mitting a  full  discussion  of  the  rights  and  equities  at  issue.  It 
is  probable  that  if  the  whole  matter  had  been  fully  discussed 
upon  its  merits,  the  decision  would  have  been  different.  At  all 
events,  so  far  as  the  American  Republics  are  concerned,  The 
Hague  Tribunal  fell  into  disrepute  through  this  decision. 

RESUMPTION  OF  RELATIONS  WITH  AUSTRO-HUNGARY 

An  interesting  diplomatic  incident  during  the  administration 
of  Porfirio  Diaz  was  the  resumption  of  relations  with  Austro- 
Hungary.  These  ceased  with  execution  of  Maximilian.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  the  unfortunate  Emperor  was  a  younger 
brother  of  Francis  Joseph,  ruler  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Em- 
pire. It  was  quite  natural  that  there  should  have  been  deep  feel- 
ing in  connection  with  the  execution.  At  the  time  when  relations 
were  finally  restored,  the  Government  of  Mexico  erected  a  small, 
but  neat  chapel  at  the  site  of  the  execution,  on  the  Cerro  de  Cam- 
panas,  at  Queretaro,  in  memory  of  the  unfortunate  imperial  ad- 
venturer. This  little  act  of  courtesy  undoubtedly  went  far  to 
restore  friendly  feelings  between  the  two  nations.  It  is  open 
to  question  whether  the  little  chapel  should  be  called,  as  it  fre- 
quently is  called  in  Mexico,  a  capilla  expiatoria  (expiatory 
chapel). 

EXPRESSION  REGARDING  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

Once  during  his  long  period  of  administration,  Porfirio  Diaz 
gave  utterance  to  a  thoughtful  expression  regarding  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  While  carefully  worded,  and  diplomatically  phrased, 
it  is  of  sufficient  interest  for  quotation.  It  was  contained  in  one 
of  his  official  messages  to  Congress.  It  was  uttered  at  the  time 
when  America  and  England  had  been  in  some  danger  of  war 
on  account  of  Venezulean  matters.  Godoy  translates  this  por- 
tion of  the  message  as  follows :/ 


THE  IRON  HAND  90 

"Without  entering  into  disquisitions  as  to  the  origin  and  the 
historic  moment  which  gave  rise  to  its  proclamation;  without 
entering  into  details  as  to  the  proper  limitations  which  its  own 
authors  set  to  it,  and  which  were  referred  to  so  skilfully  by  Presi- 
dent Cleveland,  the  Mexican  Government  can  do  no  less  than  be 
in  favor  of  a  doctrine  which  condemns  as  unjust  any  invasion 
made  by  monarchical  Europe  against  the  American  Republics, 
against  such  independent  nations  which  today  are  administered 
by  that  popular  form  of  government.  Our  general  history  and 
especially  the  struggle  of  our  people  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  a 
foreign  empire  of  European  origin,  form  and  elements  and  the 
torrents  of  blood,  shed  in  that  terrible  struggle,  testified  before 
the  world  our  love  of  independence  and  our  hatred  of  all  foreign 
intervention.  But  we  do  not  consider  that  in  order  to  attain 
the  object  that  we  desire,  it  is  sufficient  that  the  United  States 
alone,  notwithstanding  the  greatness  of  its  resources,  should  have 
the  obligation  to  aid  the  other  republics  of  this  hemisphere 
against  the  attacks  of  Europe — if  such  are  yet  considered  pos- 
sible— but  that  each  one  of  them,  by  means  of  a  declaration 
similar  to  that  issued  by  President  Monroe,  should  proclaim  that 
any  attack  from  any  foreign  power,  which  may  be  directed  to 
injure  the  territory  or  the  independence  or  to  change  the  institu- 
tions of  any  one  of  the  American  Republics,  should  be  consid- 
ered by  the  nation  making  such  declaration  as  an  offense  against 
it,  if  the  other  nation  which  sustained  the  attack  or  to  which  a 
threat  of  that  character  is  directed  should  ask  its  aid  at  the 
opportune  moment. 

"In  this  way  the  doctrine,  now  styled  Monroe  Doctrir  a,  would 
become  the  American  Doctrine  in  its  most  ample  sense,  and  if 
it  is  true  that  it  has  had  its  origin  in  the  United  States,  it  could 
form  a  part  of  the  international  law  of  all  America. ' ' 

We  have  aimed  to  sketch  the  career  and  political  work  of  the 
man  in  charge  of  Mexico  in  1910.  Elsewhere  we  shall  take  up 
his  contribution  to  the  material  advancement  of  his  country. 


100 


AZTEC  MEXICO 


AZTEC   MEXICO 


THE  MAKKS  OF  CIVILIZATION THE  MIGRATION  STORY DAILY  LIFE  OF 

AZTECS AZTEC    ARCHITECTURE ARTS    OF    LIFE EDUCATION    AND 


ART THE  NATURE  OF  THE  AZTECS A  BLOODY  WORSHI] 


-THE  NEW 


FIRE      SECULAR      CEREMONY THE      BOUNDS      OF      EMPIRE WHAT 

CORTES  FOUND. 

UPON  what  was  Mex- 
ico founded?  What 
was  the  material 
from  which  it  was  built  ?  We 
must  look  back  through  the 
centuries.  When  Cortes,  in 
the  first  third  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  marched 
from  Vera  Cruz  up  into  the 
plateau  country,  what  did  he 
find?  Prescott  and  Lew 
Wallace,  basing  themselves 
upon  the  ancient  Spanish 
narratives,  tell  us  that  there 
was  a  mighty  empire,  a  pow- 
erful emperor,  swarms  of 
nobles,  a  splendid  city,  lux- 
ury. Nothing  could  surpass, 
in  brilliancy,  elegance,  and 
extravagance,  the  Montezu- 
ma's  dinner  described  to  us 
by  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft. 


STONE  FIGimE,  "THE  SAD  INDIAN,"  . 

CITY  OF  MEXICO.  that  the  Spaniards,  in  con- 

quering Mexico,  destroyed  a 

civilization  superior  to  their  own.    Everyone  has  read  Prescott, 
Lew  Wallace,  and  Bancroft. 

101 


102  AZTEC  MEXICO 

THE  MARKS  OF  CIVILIZATION 

What  is  civilization!  A  people  who  is  civilized  possesses  a 
system  of  writing  by  means  of  phonetic  characters.  The  Aztecs 
had  an  ingenious  and  interesting  system  of  writing  by  means  of 
pictures;  they  were  just  beginning  to  grasp  the  notion  that 
these  pictures  might  be  used  to  represent  sounds  instead  of  to 
convey  ideas;  they  were  far  from  having  a  phonetic  system. 
A  civilized  people  knows  how  to  smelt  metals  from  their  ores, 
and  specifically,  iron  from  its  ore;  the  Aztecs  knew  the  use  of 
copper,  gold  and  silver ;  they  could  smelt  the  native  metals  and 
cast  them  cunningly;  they  did  not  know  the  use  of  iron.  A 
civilized  people  uses  domestic  animals  as  helps  in  agriculture- 
beasts  of  burden,  draught  and  tilling;  the  Aztecs  had  one 
domestic  animal,  a  little  dog,  fattened  for  food. 

The  Chinese  are  civilized,  and  have  been  for  centuries ;  they 
have  a  system  of  writing,  largely  with  phonetic  characters; 
they  smelt  metals  from  their  ores,  and  specifically  iron  from 
its  ore ;  they  use  domestic  animals  as  helps  in  agriculture ;  they 
have  been  civilized  for  two  thousand  years.  The  Japanese  are 
civilized  and  were  so  before  the  Norman  Conquest.  The  Hindus, 
the  Persians,  and  a  host  of  other  Asiatic  and  European  peoples, 
are  and  long  have  been  civilized,  but  the  Aztecs  had  not  a  single 
criterion  of  civilization;  they  had  an  interesting  culture  which 
placed  them  at  the  upper  level  of  barbarism,  but  no  higher. 
Prescott's  dictum  is  false,  and  could  only  have  been  made  by 
one  who  used  the  term  "civilization"  uncritically. 

THE  MIGRATION   STORY 

The  Aztecs  had  of  course  a  migration  story ;  most  people  in 
barbarism  have  their  exodus.  According  to  their  legend,  they 
came  from  Chicomoztoc,  the  Seven  Caves,  located  far  to  the 
northwest.  On  divine  suggestion  and  under  divine  guidance, 
they  started  on  their  pilgrimage  toward  the  promised  land.  It 
was  a  weary  journey,  occupying  many  years  and  involving  many 
pauses.  The  divine  sign  where  they  were  to  rest  and  build  their 


AZTEC  MEXICO  103 

city  was  the  finding  of  a  rock  upon  the  border  of  a  lake ;  from 
the  rock  was  to  grow  a  cactus  upon  which  was  perched  an  eagle 
tearing  a  snake.  When  at  last  the  divine  sign  was  encountered 
in  the  beautiful  valley  now  known  as  the  Valley  of  Mexico,  there 
was  no  room  for  the  new-comers.  The  valley  was  already  occu- 
pied by  different  tribes,  related  by  blood  indeed  to  the  Aztecs 
and  speaking  quite  the  same  language,  but  far  from  friendly. 
But  the  gods  had  spoken — here  the  wanderers  must  rest;  as 
there  was  no  room  upon  the  lake-margin,  they  settled  in  the 
swamp,  building  up  little  patches  of  ground  from  the  mud  of  the 
lake-bottom ;  for  a  long  time  they  suffered  every  hardship  and 
disease;  suffering  reduced  their  numbers  and  brought  them  to 
the  verge  of  desperation;  at  last  the  worst  was  past,  and  the 
little  remnant  began  to  gain  courage,  command  respect,  and  to 
wedge  their  way  on  to  the  land  before  refused  them. 

DAILY  LIFE  OF  AZTECS 

For  food  supply  the  Aztecs  depended  upon  hunting,  gather- 
ing and  gardening.  They  ate  everything  upon  which  they  could 
lay  hands.  The  lake  yielded  fish  and  ducks,  filth-scum  and  insect- 
eggs;  snakes,  lizards,  birds,  deer  and  wild  pigs  were  hunted; 
maize,  beans,  squashes  and  chilis  were  cultivated  on  their  garden 
patches;  dogs  were  fattened  for  eating.  On  the  whole,  they 
depended  most  upon  their  agriculture;  their  crops  were  their 
chief  dependence.  Field  labor  was  of  the  simplest  kind;  brush 
and  stubble  were  burned  over  and  the  ashes  left  upon  the  ground 
to  enrich  the  soil.  Seed  grain  was  dropped  into  holes  drilled 
with  pointed  sticks,  and  the  earth  pushed  back  over  the  planted 
seed;  then  the  harvest  was  awaited.  There  was  no  individual 
ownership  of  land.  The  tribal  land  was  divided  into  quarters, 
and  these  quarters  divided  among  those  who  chose  to  cultivate. 
Occupation  and  work  gave  the  right  to  the  harvest.  From  time 
to  time,  as  the  population  varied,  division  and  redistribution 
of  fields  took  place. 

The  ordinary  dress  of  the  Aztecs  was  simple.  Men  wore  the 
breech-clout,  a  long  and  narrow  strip  of  cloth  passed  between 


104  AZTEC  MEXICO 

the  legs,  wound  about  the  waist,  and  knotted;  it  was  a  decent 
covering,  but  scanty.  During  the  cooler  portion  of  the  day  a 
blanket  was  worn  about  the  upper  body.  Simple  sandals  pro- 
tected the  feet.  Women  wore  two  articles  of  clothing  only: 
a  strip  of  cloth  wrapped  about  the  lower  body,  and  held  in  place 
by  a  cord  at  the  waist,  fell  to  the  knees;  the  upper  body  was 
usually  exposed,  but  in  the  colder  season  or  in  the  chill  of  the 
evening  or  morning  a  sort  of  waist  was  worn,  like  a  broad  sack 
turned  upsidedown  with  a  hole  for  the  head  to  pass  through 
and  with  slits  in  the  sides  to  permit  the  arms  to  pass;  women 
went  barefoot  and  bareheaded.  It  is  true,  however,  that  rulers 
and  priests  were  distinguished  by  more  elaborate  clothing  and 
by  characteristic  decorations  and  adornments.  Soldiers  too 
wore  a  dress  marked  with  some  design,  and  frequently  wore 
elaborate  head-dresses. 

AZTEC    ARCHITECTURE 

Few,  if  any,  actual  Aztec  ruins  remain  to  tell  us  of  their 
architectural  development.  From  the  ruins  of  other  tribes, 
however,  and  from  descriptions  of  Spanish  writers,  we  may 
suppose  that  the  dwelling  houses  of  the  common  people  were 
simple  structures,  easily  destroyed,  and  leaving  little  trace  of 
their  one-time  existence.  Temples  and  governmental  buildings 
.were  more  substantial,  and  whatever  knowledge  of  fine  build- 
ing the  Aztecs  possessed,  they  exercised  upon  these  buildings. 
All  the  ruins  in  Mexico  which  have  attracted  so  much  attention 
seem  to  be  temples  and  governmental  houses.  Any  great  Indian 
town  in  Mexico  at  the  present  time  contains  a  substantial  church 
and  a  well-built  municipal  house ;  the  people  live  in  simple  huts 
of  brush  and  mud,  or  houses  of  adobe  bricks;  if  they  were 
deserted,  very  soon  the  only  ruins  remaining  would  be  these 
structures  of  the  church  and  state.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  so 
far  back  in  the  history  of  Mexican  people,  the  fact  that  they 
contributed  largely  to  these  two  forms  of  social  control, 


AZTEC  MEXICO  105 

ARTS   OF   LIFE 

Most  of  the  tools  and  weapons  of  the  Aztecs  were  made  of 
stone.  They  chipped  arrows  and  spearheads  and  knives  from 
chert  and  obsidian ;  razors  for  shaving  were  flaked  from  masses 
of  obsidian — a  sort  of  volcanic  glass;  hatchets  and  axes  of 
polished  stone  were  used;  the  famous  war-club  of  the  Aztecs 
consisted  of  a  flat  blade  of  hard  and  heavy  wood  along  the  sides 
of  which  sharp  splinters  of  obsidian  were  fixed  in  grooves ;  orna- 
ments also  were  made  of  stone ;  polished  lip-plugs  of  black  ob- 
sidian, transparent  crystal,  or  amethyst,  were  commonly  in  use ; 
ear  ornaments  and  necklaces  of  stone  beads  were  known.  Mirrors 
were  made  of  polished  obsidian  or  iron  pyrite.  By  pecking, 
battering  with  a  blunt-pointed  pebble,  great  figures  were  shaped 
of  basalt  and  other  heavy  lava  and  rock  surfaces  were  covered 
with  elaborate  designs  wonderfully  wrought.  Pottery  was  pre- 
eminently the  art  of  arts  among  the  Aztecs  and  other  tribes  of 
Mexico ;  not  only  vessels  for  food  and  drink,  pots  for  cooking, 
griddles  for  baking  cakes,  and  other  objects  of  utility  were 
made,  but  clay  was  shaped  into  figures  and  forms  of  beauty  for 
decoration  or  religious  purposes.  Native  gold,  native  copper, 
and  native  silver,  the  latter  rarely,  were  worked  both  by  beat- 
ing and  casting  into  forms  of  use  and  ornament;  Bernal  Diaz 
tells  us  that  the  cunning  Aztec  smiths  knew  how  to  cast  figures 
of  fishes  with  scales  alternately  of  gold  and  silver,  and  little 
birds  with  feathers  alternately  of  gold  and  silver,  which  were 
produced  at  a  single  casting;  it  is  unlikely  that  they  really  did 
this,  though  they  may  have  seemed  to  do  so.  They  could  actually 
cast  little  figures  of  frogs  with  pellet  eyes  which  rattled  loosely 
in  their  rounded  sockets,  but  were  too  large  to  be  shaken  out. 
One  art  in  which  the  Aztecs  had  great  skill  was  feather-work; 
they  not  only  employed  large  feathers  for  head-dresses  and  war- 
jackets,  but  they  combined  the  delicate  and  brilliant  metallic- 
lustered  dainty  feathers  from  the  throats  of  humming-birds  into 
pictures  which  were  worked  out  as  delicately  as  the  miniature 
paintings  of  mediaeval  Europeans,  The  Aztecs  were  passion- 


106  AZTEC  MEXICO 

ately  fond  of  flowers  and  used  them  decoratively  on  all  public 
occasions;  arches  of  green  and  flowers  were  erected  along  the 
line  of  march  of  processions. 

EDUCATION   AND  ABT 

To  the  education  of  the  young  considerable  attention  was 
given.  There  is  still  in  existence  a  manuscript  painted  by  an 
Aztec  artist  shortly  after  the  Conquest  at  the  wish  of  the  Vice- 
roy Mendoza,  in  which  the  training  of  youth  is  shown.  In  fact, 
the  career  of  an  individual  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave  is  repre- 
sented in  this  series  of  pictures.  The  boy  was  taught  the  proper 
occupations  of  his  sex  and  trained  in  warfare ;  the  girl  learned 
to  spin  and  weave  and  to  do  the  duties  of  the  home.  Instruc- 
tion in  higher  branches — what  we  ourselves  usually  mean  by 
education — was  given  by  priests  and  priestesses,  but  chiefly  the 
children  of  the  well-to-do  and  official  classes  only  received  this. 

Picture-writing  was  notably  developed;  we  have  already 
stated  that  the  Aztecs  had  begun  to  see  that  characters  might 
be  used  to  represent  sounds  instead  of  to  convey  ideas;  this 
notion,  however,  was  far  from  being  fully  grasped,  and  in  the 
inscription  and  books  remaining  to  us,  the  phonetic  characters 
are  exceedingly  rare,  while  the  ideographic  are  common.  A 
considerable  number  of  the  Aztec  books  remain,  and  of  most 
of  these  exact  facsimiles  have  been  printed  for  the  benefit  of 
students.  For  the  most  part,  they  deal  with  magic  and  religion ; 
they  are  religious  calendars  intended  to  assist  in  following  the 
ceremonials  of  the  year. 

The  Aztecs  were  fond  of  poetry;  it  is  claimed  that  we  still 
possess  the  seventy  songs  of  Netzalhuatcoyotl ;  he  was  not  him- 
self an  Aztec,  but  an  Acolhua  (a  neighboring  tribe  with  its 
capital  city,  Texcoco,  across  the  lake) ;  his  poems  are  full  of 
bold  metaphors  and  other  figures  of  speech.  While  perhaps 
we  have  no  actual  Aztec  poems  left,  we  know  that  these  people 
were  fond  of  music;  they  had  a  wide  range  of  musical  instru- 
ments— drums,  rattles,  whistles,  pipes,  and  the  like;  they  had 
songs  adapted  to  all  occasions.  There  were  spring  songs,  war 


AZTEC  MEXICO  107 

songs,  flower  songs,  dirges,  and  many  others.  There  were  sing- 
ing schools  held  in  special  houses-of-song ;  many  of  the  songs 
were  known  to  all. 

The  most  astonishing  intellectual  achievement  of  the  Aztecs 
was  their  astronomical  knowledge,  as  shown  in  their  time- 
reckoning;  they  knew  the  actual  length  of  the  year;  they  knew 
how  to  adjust  the  excess  of  some  hours  and  minutes  beyond 
365  days  so  as  to  avoid  confusion ;  their  system  of  interpolation 
was  wonderfully  exact,  and  it  may  perhaps  be  said  that  their 
calendar  was  more  correct  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Conquest 
than  the  calendar  in  use  among  the  conquerors.  It  is  this  fact 
more  than  any  other,  perhaps,  which  led  Prescott  to  make  his 
sweeping  statement. 

THE  NATURE  OF  THE  AZTECS 

Two  words  best  characterize  the  nature  of  the  Aztecs :  they 
were  avaricious  and  blood-thirsty.  Merchants  were  a  recog- 
nized class  among  them;  they  organized  extensive  expeditions 
and  went  to  distant  towns  to  trade  their  manufactures  for 
desired  products  of  other  regions;  these  expeditions  were 
important  enterprises,  requiring  long  and  careful  preparations, 
provisions  for  defense,  etc.  War  was  held  in  highest  esteem. 
All  boys  were  given  more  or  less  of  military  training.  War- 
parties  were  divided  into  companies  of  several  hundred,  these 
into  smaller  divisions,  and  these  into  little  groups  of  twenty 
fighters,  each  group  with  its  flag  or  standard;  even  these  little 
groups  were  subdivided  into  clusters  of  six  or  eight  individuals 
who,  in  war,  would  fight  together.  In  fighting  there  was  less 
desire  to  kill  than  to  take  prisoners.  When  the  Aztecs  waged 
successful  war  against  another  tribe,  they  did  not  annex 
the  territory  of  the  conquered,  but  left  it  to  them;  they 
demanded,  however,  the  payment  of  tribute,  and  sometimes  set 
aside  certain  fields,  the  produce  of  which  was  to  form  a  portion 
of  the  tribute.  With  some  nations  war  was  constant.  It  is  even 
claimed  that,  by  the  Aztecs  and  their  allies  in  the  Valley  of 
Mexico,  a  definite  arrangement  had  been  made  with  the 


108  AZTEC  MEXICO 

Tlaxcalans,  the  object  of  which  was  that  the  Aztecs  were  to 
constantly  exploit  Tlaxcala  for  war  victims,  and  that  Tlaxcala 
was  to  look  to  them  for  captives  for  their  own  altar  sacrifices. 

A  BLOODY  WORSHIP 

It  is  of  course  in  religion  that  we  find  the  most  complete 
exhibition  of  a  people's  character.  As  every  people  creates 
its  god  in  its  own  image,  we  may  judge  a  people  from  the  objects 
of  its  worship.  The  gods  of  the  Aztecs  were  blood-thirsty 
because  the  people  themselves  were  blood-thirsty.  There  were 
scores  of  gods,  and  in  the  whole  long  list  only  one  was  kind, 
and  he  was  borrowed.  Lew  Wallace's  "Fair  God"  takes  its 
name  from  this  deity.  Quetzalcoatl  was  his  name.  He  was  a 
god  of  fair  skin  from  an  eastern  home;  he  was  a  culture  hero 
and  taught  men  many  of  the  best  things  which  they  knew;  his 
altars  were  bloodless,  he  desired  no  human  sacrifices ;  but  we 
have  said,  he  was  a  borrowed  god.  The  true  Aztec  gods  were 
creatures  like  Huitzilopochtl,  Tetzcatlipoca,  Tlaloc,  Centeotl. 
Huitzilopochtl  was  preeminently  the  tribal  deity;  a  hideous 
creature  of  war,  he  demanded  constant  human  sacrifices.  The 
Tlalocs  were  rain  gods  and  demanded  innocent  children  for 
sacrifices ;  if  these  wept,  so  much  the  better, — the  rains  would  be 
so  much  more  abundant. 

Centeotl  was  the  god  of  the  corn-fields  and  the  harvest ;  the 
deity  was  either  male  or  female,  being  at  once  a  mother  and  a 
son;  the  fields  drank  blood,  and  the  celebration  to  Centeotl 
demanded  many  victims ;  after  the  sacrifice  was  made,  the  victim 
was  flayed,  and  the  celebrant  drew  the  skin  of  the  unfortunate 
being  over  his  own  body.  It  was  a  common  rule  that  the  victim 
of  the  sacrifice  was  ceremonially  eaten ;  the  head  was  cut  off  in 
order  that  the  skull  might  be  retained  and  placed  in  the  zompantl 
as  trophy  or  evidence  of  the  popularity  of  the  god;  certain 
portions  of  the  headless  body  were  retained  by  the  priests,  and 
the  balance  was  thrown  down  from  the  temple  pyramid  to  the 
men  who  had  captured  the  victim  on  the  field  of  battle,  who 
now  carried  the  mangled  corpse  to  their  homes  and  ate  it 


AZTEC  MEXICO 


109 


THE  PEEMANENT  SOVEREIGN 


THE  AZTEC  TEMPLES  HAD  A  SKULL  DISPLAY  KNTOWN  AS  TZOM- 
PANTL.  A  SPANISH  SOLDIER  CLAIMED  TO  COUNT  160,000 
SKULLS  OF  SACRIFICED  VICTIMS  AT  ONE  TEMPLE.  MACAU- 
LEY'S  CARTOON  SUGGESTS  THE  CONTINUED  AWFUL  SACRI- 
FICE OF  LIFE. 


110  AZTEC  MEXICO 

THE  NEW  FIRE  SECULAR  CEREMONY 

Certainly  one  of  the  most  picturesque  and  interesting  of  the 
ancient  ceremonies  was  the  secular  festival  celebrated  at  the 
end  of  the  fifty- two  years'  cycle.  The  Aztecs  counted  time  in 
cycles  of  fifty-two  years  as  we  count  it  in  cycles  of  one  hundred 
years.  They  believed  that  the  world  would  come  to  an  end  at 
the  close  of  some  such  cycle.  There  had  already  been  four 
destructions  of  the  world.  The  first  time  it  was  destroyed  by 
pestilence,  the  second  time  by  earthquake,  the  third  by  deluge, 
the  fourth  by  rain.  Tho  present,  then,  was  the  fifth  existence 
of  our  globe.  As  the  end  of  any  cycle  approached,  dread  and 
fear  took  possession  of  the  people;  no  new  enterprises  were 
undertaken ;  houses  damaged  by  earthquake  were  not  repaired ; 
weaving  and  spinning  ceased;  what  was  the  use  of  expending 
labor,  thought  and  energy  upon  things  which  might  be  of  no 
utility?  On  the  last  day  of  the  cycle  weeping  and  wailing  and 
woe  prevailed.  All  the  fires  in  the  houses  were  extinguished. 
When  evening  came  the  whole  population  left  the  city  and  passed 
out  over  the  great  causeway  to  the  "hill  of  the  star, ' '  Ixtapalapa, 
on  whose  summit  was  the  little  temple  where  the  great  sacrifice 
of  the  cycle's  end  was  to  take  place.  The  victim  this  time  was 
an  "Aztec  who  offered  himself  for  the  general  welfare.  Prepara- 
tions were  made.  Darkness  came.  The  priests  upon  the  hilltop 
watched  the  constellations  as  they  swept  across  the  heavens. 
When  the  Pleiades  reached  the  meridian,  the  moment  had  come 
for  the  will  of  the  gods  to  be  made  known.  The  victim  was 
thrown  upon  the  sacrificial  stone,  with  a  flint  knife  his  breast 
was  opened  and  his  heart  dragged  out ;  into  the  gaping  wound  a 
block  of  wood  (notched  at  the  edge)  was  laid,  and  into  the  notch 
an  upright  stick,  blunt-pointed,  was  placed;  five  priests  held 
the  victim,  two  held  his  feet,  two  others  held  his  hands,  and  the 
fifth  held  a  wooden  yoke  over  his  neck;  two  other  priests 
operated  the  sticks,  one  holding  the  lower  block  in  place,  the 
other  whirling  the  upright  stick  between  his  palms,  pressing  it 
downward.  If  the  gods  were  kind  and  answered  the  prayers 


AZTEC  MEXICO  111 

of  the  people  by  a  spark  of  fire,  all  was  well,  and  the  old  world 
would  have  another  fifty- two  years'  reprieve.  Anxiously  they 
watched  the  little  heap  of  wood-dust  whirled  out  by  the  revolv- 
ing upper  stick;  in  a  moment  there  glowed  within  it  a  spark 
of  fire,  the  gift  of  the  gods.  Carefully  they  pressed  toward 
it,  fed  it  tinder,  nursed  it  into  a  flame.  Instantly  they  lighted 
their  torches,  and  with  cries  of  joy  they  rushed  down  the  hill- 
side with  the  blazing  evidence  of  divine  approval.  The  crowd 
of  thousands  down  below  had  brought  with  them  from  their 
homes  new  torches,  and  as  the  priests  reached  the  base  of  the 
little  hill,  they  pressed  around  them  to  light  their  own  torches 
from  those  kindled  by  the  heavenly  fire.  With  singing,  cries 
of  joy,  and  dancing,  those  who  came  out  weeping  and  in  sorrow 
hastened  to  their  homes.  New  fires  were  kindled  in  every  house. 
The  next  morning  all  was  life  and  bustle.  Houses  were  being 
repaired,  cloth  woven,  pots  shaped.  Fifty-two  years  more  of 
life  for  world  and  people ! 

THE  BOUNDS  OF  EMPIRE 

Naturally  those  who  have  imagined  the  Aztec  Empire  and 
the  sway  of  the  mighty  Montezumas,  after  the  fashion  of  Ban- 
croft and  Lew  Wallace,  have  thought  of  that  empire  as  being 
coterminous  with  the  now-existing  Mexican  Republic.  What 
were  the  facts?  The  lovely  valley  in  which  the  Aztecs  lived 
has  a  long  oval  form  and  measures  perhaps  not  more  than  forty 
miles  in  length  and  less  than  twenty  miles  in  breadth.  It  is  a 
rather  small  area  for  an  empire.  But  the  Aztecs  did  not  own 
even  all  of  it;  they  were  but  a  single  tribe  within  that  area. 
They  had  neighbors,  distinct  tribes  like  themselves,  with  inde- 
pendent governments.  Chief  among  these  neighbors  were  the 
Acolhuas,  living  across  the  lake  and  having  as  their  capital  city 
Texcoco.  Less  important,  but  by  no  means  insignificant,  were 
the  Tecpanecans,  their  capital  city  being  Tlacopan.  The  street- 
car line  today  connects  the  City  of  Mexico  with  the  suburb  of 
Atzcapozalco — only  seven  miles  separating  them;  Atzcapozalco 
was  the  capital  city  of  another  "kingdom."  And  with  these  the 


112  AZTEC  MEXICO 

enumeration  of  the  populations  of  the  valley  is  not  exhausted. 
In  other  words,  the  Aztecs  were  one  tribe  only  in  a  group  of 
tribes  which  occupied  the  little  area  of  the  famous  Mexican 
Valley.  When  Cortes  came,  the  Aztecs  had  had  wars  with  many 
of  their  neighbors.  They  had  patched  up  an  alliance  with  the 
Acolhuas  and  the  Tecpanecans;  the  three  tribes  formed  a  con- 
federacy like  our  own;  each  of  the  members  of  the  union  had 
an  independent  local  government ;  collectively  they  acted  through 
a  council  of  the  confederacy ;  at  the  head  of  the  confederacy  was 
the  " Chief  of  Men" — Montezuma  at  the  moment  of  the  Con- 
quest, but  this  confederacy  was  at  that  time  far  from  being 
imperial ;  it  was,  however,  waging  aggressive  warfare,  and  when 
Cortes  came,  it  maintained  outposts  of  trade  and  tribute  in 
various  parts  of  Mexico. 

WHAT  CORTES  FOUND 

What,  then,  did  Cortes  find?  He  found  Mexico  occupied  by 
scores  of  warring,  barbarous,  independent  Indian  tribes.  All 
were  agricultural  and  settled  populations.  Orozco  y  Berra  lists 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  languages  spoken  at  that  time 
in  what  is  today  Mexico.  The  Aztecs  were  one  tribe  among  this 
mass  of  tribes;  it  was  larger  than  some,  more  advanced  than 
many. 


THE  CONQUEST 


HERNAN  CORTES EXPEDITION  TO  MEXICO PLAN  OP  CONQUEST THE 

TLAXCALANS ARRIVAL  AT  TENOCHTITLAN SUPPRESSION   OF  PLOT 

OF    NARVAEZ A   CRITICAL    SITUATION BATTLE    OF    OTUMBA THE 

,  LAST  STRUGGLE CORTES  IN  CHARGE CAUSES  OF  EASY  CONQUEST. 

THE  Conquest  of 
Mexico  is  one 
of  the  romantic 
chapters  of  history.  It 
has  been  written  many 
times.  Hernan  Cortes, 
its  leader,  was  born 
in  1485,  at  Medellin, 
Estramadura,  Spain. 
His  parents  were  poor, 
but  of  noble  family. 
The  young  man  was 
sent  to  school  at  Sala- 
manca, but  after  two 
years  of  study,  aban- 
doned further  education 
and  determined  to  seek 
a  life  of  fortune  and 
adventure.  In  1504, 
when  only  nineteen 
years  of  age,  he  went  to 
the  Indies.  In  Santo 
Domingo  he  enlisted  under  Diego  Velasquez,  to  war  against 
the  non-pacified  tribes  of  Indians  in  that  island.  He  was  after- 
wards scribe  of  the  Ayuntamiento  of  Azua,  at  the  same  time 
occupying  himself  in  agricultural  pursuits.  When  Diego 
Velasquez  went  to  conquer  Cuba,  in  1511,  Cortes  accompanied 
him.  In  the  new  field,  he  was  an  official  of  the  treasury,  and 
at  the  same  time  conducted  stock-raising  enterprises.  In  con- 

113 


HERNAN  CORTES. 


114  THE  CONQUEST 

sequence  of  a  love  affair,  in  connection  with  the  lady  whom  he 
afterwards  married,  he  had  a  serious  quarrel  with  Velasquez, 
was  imprisoned,  escaped,  and  was  forced  to  seek  refuge  in  a 
church  edifice.  Finally,  however,  the  two  men  became  recon- 
ciled, and  Cortes  served  as  an  alcalde  of  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
in  1518. 

EXPEDITION    TO    MEXICO 

Diego  Velasquez  and  Cortes  fitted  out  an  expedition  which 
was  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  The  expedition 
actually  sailed  on  February  10,  1519.  As  the  date  for  its  start 
approached,  Velasquez  became  suspicious  of  the  designs  of 
Cortes,  and  undertook  to  prevent  the  sailing,  but  was  too  late. 
The  expedition,  at  its  start,  consisted  of  eleven  vessels,  with  508 
soldiers,  110  sailors,  32  cross-bowmen,  13  gunners,  something 
more  than  200  Indians,  16  mares,  1  stallion,  10  bronze  cannon, 
and  4  falconets.  On  February  18th,  it  reached  the  island  of 
Cozumel  where  Pedro  de  Alvardo,  lieutenant  of  Cortes,  sacked 
the  temples  and  the  native  houses.  Cortes  disapproved  of  the 
violence  of  Alvarado  and  restored  the  property  of  the  Indians. 
He  then  sent  messages  to  Yucatan  for  the  purpose  of  redeeming 
any  captives  of  Grijalva's  earlier  expedition,  who  might  remain 
in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  in  that  country.  .  Geronimo  de 
Aguilar  was  thus  redeemed  and  proved  of  great  use  to  the  con- 
queror on  account  of  his  knowledge  of  the  Indians  and  of  some 
of  the  native  dialects. 

The  party  sailed  from  Cozumel  to  Tabasco,  ascending  the 
river  in  their  smaller  boats  from  its  mouth  to  a  considerable 
distance.  During  this  excursion,  they  had  three  or  four  battles 
with  the  Indians.  In  the  arrangements  for  peace,  the.Tabas- 
quenos  gave  the  Spaniards  from  ten  to  twenty  Indian  girls, 
among  whom  was  one  known  as  La  Malintzin.  She  was  taken 
by  Cortes,  baptized  under  the  name  of  Marina,  and  was  of  great 
use  to  him  in  his  later  dealings  with  the  Indians  of  the  country. 
She  had  great  love  for  him  and  was  the  mother  of  his  son  Martin. 
She  figures  repeatedly  in  the  story  of  the  conquest.  The  expedi 


THE  CONQUEST  115 

tion  of  Cortes  finally  returned  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua  on  April 
21,  1519. 

PLAN  OF  CONQUEST 

Cortes  now  founded,  close  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  La  Villa- 
Rica  de  Vera  Cruz.  He  named  an  ayuntamiento,  or  town  gov- 
ernment which,  in  turn,  named  him  captain-general  of  the  con- 
quering force.  Here  for  the  first  time  Cortes  heard  of  Monte- 
zuma  and  the  Aztec  Tenochtitlan.  He  then  visited  the  important 
Indian  town  of  Cempoala,  where  he  learned  of  the  Tlaxcalans 
and  their  constant  hostility  toward  Montezuma  and  his  Aztecs. 
Discovering  an  insurrection  plotting  among  his  followers,  Cortes 
dealt  with  it  promptly,  hanging,  whipping,  and  mutilating  the 
plotters.  Having  decided  to  march  to  the  interior  and  under- 
take the  conquest  of  the  Aztec  city,  he  left  Cempoala  on  August 
6th,  and  marched  with  no  events  of  serious  consequence  to 
Tlaxcala.  Here,  on  September  5th,  he  had  an  important  battle 
with  the  Tlaxcalan  forces  led  by  a  notable  chief  called  Xicoten- 
catl.  He  defeated  the  Indian  force,  and  on  September  22nd,  a 
treaty  was  arranged  with  the  Indians  and  a  friendly  reception 
given  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  city  of  Tlaxcala. 

THE    TLAXCALANS 

From  here  the  Spaniards  marched  to  Cholula,  a  town  at  no 
great  distance  upon  the  road  to  Tenochtitlan.  The  Cholultecas 
received  the  new-comers  in  a  friendly  manner ;  they  were  plotting 
treachery,  however,  a  fact  discovered  by  Marina,  who  informed 
Cortes  of  the  plot.  He  called  the  chiefs  together,  declared  their 
perfidy  to  their  faces,  and  slaughtered  3,000  of  the  people.  His 
Tlaxcalan  friends  were  present  and  looted,  carrying  rich  booty 
back  to  their  own  city.  After  having  visited  the  measure  of  his 
wrath  upon  the  unfortunate  city,  he  remained  two  weeks  in 
Cholula  before  resuming  his  march  to  the  valley  of  Mexico. 

ARRIVAL  AT   TENOCHTITLAN 

When  he  started  upon  this  last  stage  of  his  journey  of  in- 
vasion, he  had  great  numbers  of  Tlaxcalan  allies  as  well  as  a 


116 


THE  CONQUEST 


r* 

A-  .-.^...ilPjr-  .liA       ' 


Copyrighted  by  I'lidcrwooil  and  Uiulerw<md 

NOOHE  TKISTE  TREE,  POPOTLA. 


THE  CONQUEST 


117 


Copyrighted  by  U: 


and  Underwood 

WEAVING  MAGUEY  FIBEE,  MONTEREY. 


118  THE  CONQUEST 

considerable  force  of  Texcocans  supplied  by  the  Acolhua  chief, 
Ixtlilxochitl,  who  had  quarreled  with  his  brother,  Cacama.  It 
was  November  8th  when  the  Spanish  force  arrived  at  Tenoch- 
titlan,  where  they  were  met  in  state  by  Montezuma,  and  Cortes 
lodged  in  the  palace  of  Axayacatl.  Cortes  spent  some  days  in 
making  himself  acquainted  with  the  city,  in  ingratiating  him- 
self with  Montezuma,  and  in  trying  to  persuade  him  to  recog- 
nize Spanish  authority.  He  found  the  inhabitants  of  the  great 
Indian  city  unfriendly  and  realized  that  trouble  was  brewing. 
To  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  and  exercise  authority,  he  went 
with  several  of  his  trusted  lieutenants  to  the  palace  of  Monte- 
zuma and  demanded  the  punishment  of  a  certain  cacique  who 
had  killed  Spaniards.  Montezuma,  intimidated,  yielded  to  the 
demand.  The  chief,  Cuauhpopoca,  was  sent  for  and  was  given 
up  to  the  Spaniards.  Cortes  ordered  that  he  should  be  burned 
alive  with  seventeen  attendants. 

SUPPRESSION  OF  PLOT 

At  this  time  Cortes  learned  that  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  with  600 
soldiers  had  been  sent  from  Cuba  by  Velasquez  to  remove  him 
from  his  command.  Leaving  Pedro  de  Alvarado  in  charge 
during  his  absence,  Cortes  hurried  to  Vera  Cruz.  He  surprised 
Narvaez  in  Cempoala,  completely  defeated  him,  and  with  the 
new  forces  which  he  had  brought  hastened  back  to  Mexico.  When 
he  arrived  there,  he  found  things  going  badly.  Alvarado  had 
had  difficulties,  arising  from  his  cruel  treatment  of  the  Indians. 
The  Aztecs  had  desired  to  hold  their  regular  annual  religious 
festival  of  the  month  of  May.  They  had  notified  Alvarado  of 
their  desire  and  asked  permission.  He  had  told  them  they  could 
hold  the  festival  provided  they  were  not  armed.  In  the  midst 
of  their  ceremonials,  at  night,  Alvarado,  with  fifty  of  his 
Spaniards,  entered  the  building  in  which  the  ceremonies  were 
being  conducted  and  killed  the  entire  party  of  Indians.  The 
result  was  to  be  expected ;  the  Aztecs  rose  and  besieged  Alva- 
rado. "When  Cortes  returned  he  found  this  trouble  at  its  height. 
Nor  was  it  easy  for  him  to  deal  with  the  difficulty;  the  Aztecs 


THE  CONQUEST  119 

were  completely  aroused  and  in  serious  earnest.  Cortes  found 
himself  in  a  state  of  siege.  There  were  constant  attacks  upon 
him,  sallies,  repulses,  and  retreats.  The  number  of  his  soldiers 
was  constantly  diminishing.  The  outlook  was  dark. 

A    CRITICAL   SITUATION 

Finally,  as  a  desperate  measure,  he  persuaded  Montezuma 
to  harangue  his  people  from  the  azotea  of  the  palace  in  which 
they  were  staying.  The  ruler  unwillingly  complied;  he 
harangued  his  people,  but  they  became  the  more  enraged ;  arrows 
were  shot,  stones  hurled,  and  the  great  Chief  of  Men  was 
wounded.  On  the  night  of  June  29th  Montezuma  died.  Some 
writers  say  that  his  death  was  due  to  the  wounds  received  from 
his  people;  others  insist  that  the  Spaniards,  in  their  rage  and 
desperation,  murdered  him.  However  that  may  be,  the  Span- 
iards found  themselves  compelled  to  withdraw  from  Tenoch- 
titlan.  Their  retreat  was  made  on  the  night  of  July  1st.  It  was 
a  fearful  flight.  A  constant  attack  was  made  upon  the  retreat- 
ing white  men.  Many  Spanish  soldiers  were  drowned  or  killed. 
It  was  with  difficulty  that  Cortes  himself  made  his  escape.  The 
night  is  known  in  history  by  the  Spanish  name  La  Noche  Triste 
(the  sad  night).  It  is  said  that  when  Cortes  reached  the  village 
of  Popotla  he  paused  to  rest  under  a  great  cypress  tree,  and  as  he 
contemplated  the  little  remnant  of  his  army,  he  wept  with  rage 
and  sorrow  over  his  defeat.  The  tree  is  believed  to  be  still  stand- 
ing, and  is  commonly  visited  by  strangers  as  one  of  the  sights  of 
Mexico. 

BATTLE  OF   OTUMBA 

With  the  remnant  of  his  force  Cortes  made  his  way  to  Oton- 
calpolco,  where  he  captured  the  temple  pyramid  of  the  village 
and  fortified  it.  Here  he  collected  his  scattered  forces,  healed  his 
wounded,  and  rested.  His  further  retreat  from  this  place  was 
difficult.  They  were  harassed  by  thousands  of  the  Aztecs.  They 
were  reduced  to  such  extremities  that  they  were  compelled  to  eat 
the  dead  and  worn  out  horses.  They  finally  reached  Otumba 


120 


THE  CONQUEST 


THE  CONQUEST  121 

where  a  frightful  battle  took  place  with  a  multitude  of  the 
enemy.  The  day  was  almost  lost  when  Cortes,  noticing  the  in- 
fluence of  the  leader  of  the  attacking  force,  had  the  sudden 
inspiration  to  attempt  his  capture.  With  his  trusted  followers 
he  made  a  sudden  dash  upon  the  unfortunate  chief,  seizing  him 
and  taking  possession  of  the  standard.  The  tide  of  battle  was 
turned  by  this  act,  and  a  great  victory  gained  by  the  Spanish 
force. 

After  this  incident,  Cortes  made  his  way  to  the  city  of  Tlax- 
cala  where  he  was  well  received  by  the  chief  in  charge,  Maxix- 
catzin.  The  Spanish  losses  had  been  great — 450  soldiers,  26 
horses,  and  4,000  Indian  allies  were  left  dead.  In  the  midst  of 
his  faithful  Tlaxcalan  allies,  Cortes  rested,  recuperated,  and 
strengthened  his  ties  with  the  Tlaxcalan  people.  He  made 
various  campaigns  from  the  Tlaxcalan  territory,  including  one 
to  Vera  Cruz.  Toward  the  end  of  December  he  felt  himself  in 
the  position  to  resume  the  offensive. 

On  December  26th  he  set  out  again  for  the  valley  of  Mexico 
with  700  foot-soldiers,  118  cross-bowmen,  86  horses,  and  50,000 
Indian  allies.  He  reached  Texcoco  on  December  31st.  Here  he 
hung  Xicotencatl,  his  first  Tlaxcalan  ally,  for  desertion.  Here 
he  constructed  and  launched  upon  the  lake  several  small  brigs. 
It  is  said  that  his  Indian  allies  supplied  16,000  canoes.  His  lieu- 
tenants, Alvarado,  Olid,  and  Sandoval,  were  sent  by  land  to  close 
in  from  three  sides  upon  the  city.  He  himself  was  to  approach 
with  his  brigs  and  canoes  by  water,  and  with  him  were  the  hosts 
of  native  allies — Tlaxcalans,  Cholultecas,  and  Acolhuas  from 
Texcoco. 

THE  LAST  STKUGGLE 

When  Montezuma  died,  his  brother,  Cuitlahuac,  had  become 
chief  of  men;  he  soon  died  of  smallpox.  When  Cortes  with  his 
enormous  force  appeared,  the  nephew  of  Montezuma,  Cua- 
uhtemoc, was  in  the  position  of  Aztec  leader.  He  was  a  young 
man  of  little  more  than  twenty  years ;  he  was  brave,  wise,  and 
patriotic.  He  had  made  preparations  for  the  attack.  Provisions 


122  THE  CONQUEST 

Jaad  been  brought  together,  strategic  points  fortified,  the  cause- 
ways had  been  cut,  a  great  fleet  of  canoes  had  been  prepared. 
Cuauhtemoc  himself  was  in  personal  charge  of  the  Aztec  forces. 
A  brave  defense  was  made.  The  enormous  army  of  Cortes  made 
repeated  attempts  upon  the  city  and  were  frequently  repulsed 
with  vigorous  fighting  and  much  loss.  For  a  long  time  the 
struggle  dragged  on.  Cortes  found  that  he  could  make  headway 
only  by  destroying  all  the  houses  and  filling  the  canals  with  their 
debris.  Little  by  little  pursuing  this  policy,  he  made  advance. 
The  besieged  Aztecs  suffered  frightfully,  but  repeatedly  refused 
to  surrender  their  city.  Famine  and  disease  afflicted  them.  At 
last  their  dwindling  force  was  too  sadly  weakened  to  defend  the 
city  longer.  After  eighty  days  of  formal  siege,  Tenochtitlan  was 
surrendered.  This  took  place  on  August  13,  1521.  The  brave 
chieftain,  Cuauhtemoc,  was  at  first  well  treated.  Cortes,  on  the 
surrender  of  the  city,  ordered  the  dead  to  be  burned  and  the  city 
cleaned.  Later  on,  impelled  by  that  heart-disease  which  only 
gold  can  cure,  Cortes  permitted  Cuauhtemoc  to  be  tortured  in 
the  hope  that  he  would  surrender  the  secret  of  the  Aztec  treasure 
which  had  disappeared. 

CORTES  IN  CHARGE 

Upon  the  site  of  the  old  Indian  city  the  Spanish  City  of 
Mexico  was  built.  Cortes  assumed  control  of  the  conquered 
territory  as  governor,  captain-general,  and  chief  magistrate. 
Actually  all  power  centered  in  him ;  but  he  left  some  degree  of 
authority  in  the  hands  of  native  chiefs.  Olid,  who  had  been  sent 
to  Central  America,  plotted  an  insurrection.  Cortes  went  in 
person  to  suppress  it;  but  when  he  arrived,  he  found  that  his 
rebellious  lieutenant  was  already  dead. 

CAUSES  OF  EASY  CONQUEST 

The  further  story  of  Cortes  does  not  particularly  interest  us. 
There  are,  however,  some  things  connected  with  the  conquest 
which  deserve  mention.  From  a  certain  point  of  view,  the  Con- 
quest of  Mexico  was  a  great  military  achievement.  It  was  the 


THE  CONQUEST  123 

victory  of  a  little  handful  of  invaders  against  enormous  crowds  of 
brave  and  warlike  enemies.  The  ease  of  the  conquest,  however, 
was  due  to  a  variety  of  causes.  To  begin  with,  Cortes  was  no 
novice  in  Indian  warfare;  he  had  already  gained  experience  in 
battling  against  the  refractories  of  Santa  Domingo.  Again,  we 
must  remember  that  the  great  advantage  which  the  Indians  had 
in  numbers  was  lost  in  the  disparity  of  the  forces  in  the  matter 
of  arms  and  equipment;  the  Aztecs  had  never  seen  horses,  and 
the  mounted  soldiers  were  at  a  great  advantage;  the  Indians 
were  armed  with  darts  and  slings,  clubs  and  wooden  swords  with 
inlaid  splinters  of  obsidian;  against  these  simple  weapons  were 
firearms  and  cross-bows.  Again,  the  Aztecs  were  at  a  great 
disadvantage  in  their  idea  of  warfare ;  it  had  always  been  their 
practice  to  capture,  not  to  kill,  the  enemy ;  the  practice  of  the 
Spaniards  of  course  was  to  destroy  as  many  lives  as  possible. 
Another  fact  which  contributed  to  the  easy  victory  of  Cortes 
is  to  be  found  in  the  superstitious  fears  of  the  Indians  against 
those  whom  they  fought;  when  the  white  men  first  appeared, 
they  were  looked  upon  as  sacred  or  divine ;  the  Aztecs  were  look- 
ing for  the  return  of  their  fair  god,  Quetzalcoatl,  who  was  to 
come  across  the  seas  from  the  East ;  prophecy  indicated  that  his 
coming  was  at  hand;  and  when  the  Spaniards  appeared,  they 
were  considered  at  least  the  messengers  of  Quetzalcoatl ;  it  was 
some  time  before  the  natives  realized  that  the  new-comers  were 
dangerous  humans,  not  kindly  deities.  The  most  important  aid, 
however,  was  the  fact  that  Cortes  found  a  country  occupied 
by  already  warring  and  hostile  tribes ;  if  there  had  been  a  bond 
of  union  between  the  Mexican  Indians,  and  they  had  made  com- 
mon cause  against  the  Spaniards,  of  course  the  invaders  would 
have  stood  no  chance  of  victory.  But  the  people  of  Tlaxcala  were 
hostile  to  the  Cholultecas,  only  a  few  miles  distant  from  them; 
both  quarrelled  with  Texcoco;  between  the  Tlaxcalans  and  the 
Aztecs  there  were  feuds  of  long  duration.  It  was  because  of  these 
petty  tribal  bickerings  and  difficulties  that  Cortes  utilized  tribe 
against  tribe  and  won. 


124 


THE  CONQUEST 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  a«d  Underwood 

INDIA3T  MARKET  AT  OMEALCO.  PEANUTS  ARE  KNOWN  BY  THE 
AZTEC  NAME  CACAHUATES.  THE  DRESS  HERE  WORN  IS  THE 
CHARACTERISTIC  DRESS  OP  COMMON  MEXICANS,  BOTH  MESTIZO 
AND  INDIANS  OF  THE  MORE  ACCESSIBLE  DISTRICTS. 


GUADALUPE 

THE  KELIGIOUS  CONQUEST THE  STORY  OF  THE  VIRGIN  OF  GUADALUPE 

THE  NATION'S  PATRON — DECEMBER  12  IN  MEXICO — THE  CROWNING 
OF  THE  VIRGIN — ALTAMIRANO  ?S  VERDICT. 

IN  the  Aztec  language  not  only  nouns  and  verbs  had  reveren-., 
tial  forms.    Even  adjectives  and  adverbs  possessed  them. 
It  is  suggestive  of  the  psychology  of  the  tribe. 
The  only  ruins  that  remain  of  buildings  of  the  Indians  of 
ancient  Mexico  are  those  for  governmental  and  religious  pur- 
poses.  They  are  palaces  or  temples.   The  common  people  lived 
in  huts,  but  they  provided  splendid  and  permanent  constructions 
for  their  rulers  and  their  priests.    Throughout  Indian  Mexico 
to-day  the  town-house  and  the  church  are  buildings,  which  would 
outlast  the  simple  houses  of  the  villagers. 

THE  RELIGIOUS  CONQUEST 

Close  after  the  conquest  of  Mexico  by  the  soldier  and  the 
sword,  came  its  conquest  by  the  priest  and  book.  Devoted  men 
promptly  set  themselves  to  work  to  bring  the  pagan  populace  of 
the  newly  conquered  region  into  the  bosom  of  the  church.  The 
story  of  their  conquest  is  as  interesting  as  that  of  the  followers 
of  Cortes.  The  rapidity  of  the  work  of  conversion  to  Christianity 
was  phenomenal.  It  is  as  marked  as  the  ease  with  which  the 
material  conquest  was  accomplished.  Hundreds — nay,  thousands 
— were  converted  under  the  preaching  of  single  apostles  of  the 
faith.  Among  the  missionaries  were  men  of  gentle  blood,  of 
learning — men  who  had  been  powers  had  they  stayed  in  Europe. 
They  submitted  to  every  hardship,  risked  every  danger,  courted 
martyrdom.  Many  actually  met  death,  and  a  great  volume  could 
be  filled  with  an  account  of  their  consecrated  efforts. 

No  religion  ever  makes  great  headway  among  a  new  people 
until  it  is  able  to  take  over  the  sacred  places  of  the  old  religion. 
Outside  the  old  City  of  Mexico,  there  was  a  place  sacred  to  the 
mother-god,  Tonantzin.  It  must  have  been  a  place  of  popular 

125 


126  GUADALUPE 

pilgrimage  and  sanctity.  It  is  to-day  the  most  sacred  spot  in 
Mexico,  and  in  connection  with  it  there  is  a  story.  All  have  heard 
it,  but  it  will  bear  repeating. 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  VIRGIN  OF  GUADALUPE 

We  shall  repeat  it  as  told  by  Vetancurt,  the  monk,  in  1672. 
Janvier  translates  the  record  from  his  chronicle  as  follows: 
"  Juan  Diego,  a  native  of  Cuauhtitlan,  living  with  his  wife,  Lucia 
Maria,  in  the  town  of  Tolpetlac,  went  to  hear  mass  in  the  church 
of  Santiago  Tlaltelolco,  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  December  9, 
1531.  As  he  was  near  the  hill  called  Tepeyacac,  he  heard  the 
music  of  angels.  Then  beheld  he  amid  splendors,  a  Lady  who 
spoke  to  him,  and  directed  him  to  go  to  the  Bishop  and  tell  that 
it  was  her  will  that  in  that  place  should  be  built  to  her  a  temple. 
Upon  his  knees  he  listened  to  her  bidding,  and  then,  happy  and 
confused,  betook  himself  to  the  Bishop  with  the  message  that 
she  had  given  him.  But  while  the  Bishop,  Don  Juan  Zumarraga, 
heard  him  kindly,  he  could  not  give  credence  to  the  prodigy  that 
he  was  told.  With  this  disconsolate  answer,  he  returned,  finding 
there  again  the  Lady,  who  heard  what  he  had  to  tell  and  bade  him 
come  to  her  again.  Therefore,  on  the  Sunday  ensuing,  he  was  at 
the  hillside,  when  she  appeared  to  him  for  the  third  time  and 
repeated  her  order  that  he  should  convey  to  the  Bishop  her  com- 
mand that  a  temple  should  be  built.  The  Bishop  heard  the 
message,  still  incredulous,  and  ordered  that  the  Indian  should 
bring  him  some  sure  sign  by  which  he  might  be  shown  that  what 
he  told  was  true ;  and  when  the  Indian  departed,  the  Bishop  said 
to  some  of  his  servants  to  watch  him  secretly.  Yet,  as  he  neared 
the  holy  hill,  he  disappeared  from  the  sight  of  these  watchers. 
Unseen,  then,  of  these,  he  met  the  Lady  and  told  her  that  he  had 
been  required  to  bring  some  sure  sign  of  her  appearance;  and 
she  told  him  to  come  again  the  next  day,  and  he  should  have  that 
sign.  But  when  he  came  to  his  home,  he  found  his  uncle,  Juan 
Bernardino,  lying  very  ill.  Through  the  next  day  he  was  in 
attendance  upon  the  sick  man;  but  the  sickness  increased,  and 
early  on  the  morning  of  December  12th,  he  went  to  call  a  con- 


GUADALUPE  127 

fessor  from  Tlaltelolco.  That  he  might  not  be  delayed  in  his 
quest  by  that  Lady 's  importunity,  he  went  not  by  the  usual  path, 
but  by  another,  skirting  the  eastern  side  of  the  hill.  But  as  he 
passed  the  hill,  he  saw  the  Lady  coming  down  to  him  and  heard 
her  calling  to  him.  He  told  her  his  errand  and  of  its  urgent  need 
of  quickness,  whereupon  she  replied  that  he  need  not  feel  further 
troubled,  as  already  his  uncle 's  illness  was  cured.  Then  ordered 
she  him  to  cut  some  flowers  on  that  barren  hill,  and  to  his  amaze- 
ment, he  perceived  flowers  growing  there.  She  charged  him  to 
take  these  miraculous  flowers  to  the  Bishop  as  the  sign  that  he 
had  requested ;  and  she  commanded  that  Juan  Diego  should  show 
them  to  no  other  until  they  were  seen  of  the  Bishop's  eyes. 
Therefore,  he  wrapped  them  in  his  tilma,  or  blanket,  and 
hastened  away.  And  then,  from  the  spot  where  most  Holy  Mary 
stood,  there  gushed  forth  a  spring  of  brackish  water,  which  now 
is  venerated  and  is  an  antidote  to  infirmities.  Juan  Diego  waited 
at  the  entrance  of  the  Bishop's  house  until  he  came  out,  and  when 
he  appeared  and  the  flowers  were  shown  him,- there  was  seen  the 
image  of  the  Virgin  beautifully  painted  upon  the  Indian's  tilma. 
The  Bishop  placed  the  miraculous  picture  in  his  oratory,  venerat- 
ing it  greatly ;  and  Juan  Diego,  returning  to  his  home  with  two 
servants  of  the  Bishop,  found  that  his  uncle  had  been  healed  of 
his  sickness  in  the  very  hour  that  the  Virgin  declared  that  he 
was  well.  As  quickly  as  possible  the  Bishop  caused  a<  chapel  to 
be  built  upon  the  spot  where  the  Virgin  had  appeared  and  where 
the  miraculous  roses  had  sprung  up  from  the  barren  rock ;  and 
here  he  placed  the  holy  image  on  the  7th  of  February,  1532." 


The  miraculous  painting  has  long  been  an  object  of  reverence 
to  all  true  Mexicans.  The  picture,  reproduced  in  every  form,  is  to 
be  seen  in  the  poorest  houses  throughout  the  whole  Republic. 
She  is  preeminently,  however,  the  patron  of  the  Indians.  Decem- 
ber 12th  is  celebrated  as  a  national  holiday.  On  that  date  the 
throng  of  Mexicans  of  every  grade  at  the  great  church  of  Guada- 
lupe  is  enormous.  The  summit  of  the  rock  to-day  is  crowned  with 


128 


GUADALUPE 


Copyrighted  by  T'nderwood  and  Unde 

THE  COLLEGIATE  CHUKCH,  GUADALUPE. 


GUADALUPE 


129 


130  GUADALUPE 

a  little  church  known  as  the  CapUla  del  Cerrito  (chapel  of  the 
hill) ;  the  sacred  spring,  which  sprung  forth  at  the  place  where 
her  foot  trod,  is  sheltered  by  a  pretty  chapel  known  as  the  Capilla 
del  Pocito  (the  chapel  of  the  well).  At  the  base  of  the  rock  upon 
the  place  where  she  made  her  fourth  apparition,  stands  the  great 
collegiate  church,  one  of  the  finest  in  Mexico.  Until  lately,  a 
monumental  shaft  on  the  lower  hill-slope  near  the  chapel  of  the 
well,  marked  the  place  of  her  first  apparition. 

DECEMBER    12  IN   MEXICO 

On  Guadalupe  Day,  the  whole  place  is  occupied  by  the  crowd 
of  people.  Thousands  ascend  the  rock  to  the  little  chapel  of  the 
hill.  Thousands  carry  away  vessels  of  the  healing  water  from  the 
yellow  spring  which  still  gushes  forth  abundantly.  Thousands  of 
candles  are  offered  in  the  collegiate  church.  On  the  streets, 
groups  of  Indians  dressed  according  to  their  notions  of  the 
ancient  custom,  playing  old-fashioned  instruments  of  music, 
indulge  in  pretty  dances  to  simple  songs  of  praise  in  honor  of  the 
Virgin.  Nor  is  pilgrimage  and  celebration  confined  to  the  single 
day  of  December  12th.  Throughout  the  year  people  come  from 
many  portions  of  the  Kepublic,  and  a  pilgrimage  to  Guadalupe  is 
almost  obligatory  in  the  mind  of  the  common  people.  So  popular 
was  she,  so  beloved,  so  trusted  that  her  image  was  borne  upon  the 
banner  which  led  the  forces  of  the  revolution  under  the  priest 
Hidalgo  in  1910.  To  her  the  popular  mind  attributed  the  victory 
when,  after  years  of  struggle,  Mexico  succeeded  in  freeing  her- 
self from  Spain. 

THE  CROWNING  OF  THE  VIRGIN 

In  1895,  the  occasion  of  the  coronation  of  the  Virgin  of  Guada- 
lupe was  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  impressive  functions 
ever  witnessed  within  the  limits  of  the  Republic.  It  is  said  that 
almost  a  half  million  people  from  outside  were  gathered  in  the 
city.  The  open  spaces  for  a  long  distance  around  the  rock  and  the 
commemorating  churches  were  filled  at  night  with  common  people 
sleeping  out-of-doors  on  the  ground.  The  collegiate  church  had 


GUADALUPE  131 

been  reconstructed  and  splendidly  adorned;  its  walls  were 
decorated  with  enormous  paintings  relative  to  the  history  of  the 
apparition  and  to  the  religious  conquest  of  the  country;  these 
paintings,  some  of  good  merit,  were  given  by  different  dioceses, 
in  various  parts  of  the  Republic.  Other  decorations  of  the  church 
of  great  value  represent  donations,  showing  the  widespread  and 
deep  interest  of  the  people.  The  ceremony  proper  of  the  corona- 
tion was  participated  in  by  church  dignitaries  from  many  lands. 

ALTAMIEANO'S  VEKDICT 

One  of  the  most  famous  Mexican  writers,  Altamirano,  himself 
an  Indian  and  a  man  of  great  ability,  wrote  an  important  and 
delightful  study  of  La  Fiesta  de  Guadalupe  (the  festival  of 
Guadalupe).  It  sketches  the  whole  history  of  the  famous  virgin, 
from  the  time  of  the  claimed  apparition  up  to  the  date  when  he 
wrote;  he  presents  the  interesting  discussion  which  has  taken 
place  regarding  the  authenticity  of  the  tradition ;  it  is  one  of  the 
most  interesting  critical  discussions  ever  written  regarding  any 
Mexican  matter.  He  himself  was  a  liberal  of  liberals — in  fact,  a 
pronounced  free  thinker.  He  closes  his  interesting  discussion 
with  the  following  words:  "We  have  at  last  arrived  at  the 
present  epoch.  The  worship  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  although 
without  official  support,  continues  as  fervent  and  as  universal  as 
formerly,  except  that  now  it  is  a  cult  exclusively  religious  and 
peaceful.  And  no  one  raised  the  Guadalupe  ensign  in  the  civil 
contests,  nor  in  the  national  wars  of  1846  and  47  against  the 
North  Americans ;  nor  did  the  patriots  unfurl  it  in  the  war  of 
1861  to  1867  against  the  French  imperialists.  Some  there  are 
who  believe  that  if,  during  the  first  of  these  national  wars  the 
image  of  the  Mexican  Virgin  had  been  placed  upon  our  banners 
as  in  1810,  the  Yankees  would  not  have  entered  into  Mexico.  It 
is  more  than  doubtful  and,  moreover,  experience  has  proved  that 
the  enthusiasm  for  the  national  image  has  been  efficacious  against 
the  Spaniards  only. 

"To-day  nothing  is  written  in  favor  of  the  apparition  nor  is 
there  necessity  of  it.  The  cult  is  established;  no  one  interests 


132  GUADALUPE 

himself  in  contradicting  it.  ...  There  is  nothing  new  said 
about  it ;  the  Mexicans  unanimously  adore  the  Virgin — those  who 
profess  Catholic  ideas,  for  religious  motives ;  the  liberals,  from 
memory  of  the  banner  of  the  year  '10 ;  the  Indians,  because  it  is 
their  only  goddess ;  strangers,  in  order  not  to  wound  the  national 
sentiment; — and  all  consider  it  as  an  essentially  Mexican  symbol. 
.  .  .  The  festivals  each  time  are  celebrated  with  equal  pomp ; 
it  is  difficult  to  encounter  a  Mexican  family  in  which  there  is  not 
some  feminine,  or  even  masculine  person,  who  is  named  "Guada- 
lupe,"  and  there  is  no  one  to  whom  the  pronunciation  of  this 
name  does  not  evoke  some  memory.  The  day  in  which  the  Virgin 
of  Tepeyac  is  not  worshiped  in  this  land  there  will  certainly  have 
disappeared  not  only  the  Mexican  nationality,  but  even  the  very 
memory  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Mexico  of  to-day. ' ' 

These  are  strong  words  for  a  free  thinker  to  utter.  They  are 
not  perhaps  too  strong.  There  are  few  things  which  unite  Mexi- 
cans in  a  common  bond  of  sympathy.  Most  of  the  influences 
separate  and  divide  them.  A  common  affection  and  reverence  for 
their  national  Virgin  is  perhaps  the  strongest  tie. 


THE  GLOBIOUS  CENTUEY— AND  AFTER 

RELIGIOUS      ORGANIZATION SIXTEENTH      CENTURY      CULTURE BOOK 

PRINTING INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION MEXICO  UNDER  THE  VICEROYS 

MATERIAL       DEVELOPMENT SPAIN  *S       POLICY DISCRIMINATION 

AGAINST  CREOLES EDUCATION  NEGLECTED RELIGIOUS  SITUATION 

VASSALAGE  AND  SLAVERY MAKE-UP  OF  THE  POPULATION. 

TENOCHTITLAN  was  razed;  its  canals  were  filled  with 
its  debris.    A  new  city  was  reared  upon  its  site.    For  a 
time    Cortes    ruled    supreme    in    Mexico.      In    1522    a 
town  government — ayuntamiento — was  organized;  in  1528  an 
audiencia,  consisting  of  five  commissioners  to  act  as  a  check  upon 
the  governor  and  ayuntamiento,  was  appointed.    In  1535  the  first 
actual  viceroy  was  named. 

RELIGIOUS  ORGANIZATION 

So  much  for  civil  government  in  the  new  colony.  In  1524 
the  famous  twelve  apostles  of  the  Francisco  Order  came  to 
Mexico.  Dominicans  soon  followed  them.  In  1527  the  first 
Bishop  of  Mexico  was  appointed.  Before  vice-royalty,  ecclesi- 
astical organization  existed.  Through  the  Dominicans  the  Holy 
Office,  or  Inquisition,  was  introduced.  Let  it  be  said  in  passing 
that  Indians  were  exempted  from  its  operation.  The  ecclesi- 
astical establishment  thus  early  perfected  possessed  great  politi- 
cal influence  throughout  the  history  of  Mexico.  Particularly 
were  the  Dominicans  ambitious  and  influential  in  governmental 
matters. 

SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  CULTURE 

Eemember  the  time — it  was  the  sixteenth  century.  There 
grew  up  in  Mexico  a  splendid  city  with  the  wealth,  culture,  and 
refinement  of  the  day.  On  the  whole,  it  was  a  glorious  century. 
In  the  City  of  Mexico  the  university  was  opened  in  1553. 
Throngs  of  students  were  awaiting  for  the  day  when  its  doors 
should  permit  their  entrance.  In  its  curriculum  it  was  patterned 

133 


134  THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER 

after  the'TJniversity  of  Salamanca,  then  at  the  height  of  its  glory ; 
the  faculty  of  the  new  institution  was  drawn  from  the  graduates 
and  doctors  of  the  old  school.  All  this  took  place  in  Mexico 
almost  seventy  years  before  the  Pilgrims  landed  on  Plymouth 
Eock! 

BOOK    PRINTING 

From  time  to  time  we  read  that  The  Bay  Psalter  was  the 
earliest  piece  of  printing  in  America.  Such  a  claim  of  course 
is  false.  Perhaps  the  first  printing-press  in  North  America  was 
established  in  1535  in  the  City  of  Mexico.  During  the  sixteenth 
century  there  were  various  printing-houses,  and  many  books 
were  published.  After  more  than  three  hundred  years,  their 
paper,  type,  ink,  and  binding  are  frequently  in  fine  condition. 
More  than  two  hundred  different  books  printed  in  the  City  of 
Mexico  before  the  year  1600  are  known  in  libraries — many  more 
probably  have  disappeared  forever.  In  1571  the  second  edition 
of  Molina 's  Aztec  Dictionary  was  printed  in  Mexico ;  it  is  said 
to  have  been  a  more  voluminous  lexicon  than  existed  of  the  Eng- 
lish language  at  that  time. 

The  man  who  made  a  scientific  discovery,  produced  a  credit- 
able literary  work,  wrought  a  work  of  art — painting  or  sculpture 
— was  expected  to  present  his  production  publicly  for  criticism, 
discussion,  and  approval.  Such  presentations  were  made  the 
occasion  of  public  gatherings — the  fact  in  itself  indicates  an  in- 
teresting intellectual  and  social  condition. 

INDUSTRIAL    EDUCATION 

In  the  sixteenth  century,  in  Mexico,  Pedro  de  Gante,  in  his 
work  for  Indians,  developed  a  genuine  industrial  school — too 
often  considered  one  of  the  late  developments  of  the  new  educa- 
tion— in  the  City  of  Mexico. 

Pedro  de  Gante  was  really  a  remarkable  man.  He  was  bio  3d- 
relative  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  He  founded,  and  for  fifty 
years  directed,  the  great  school  of  San  Francisco.  It  stood 
behind  the  convent  church  which,  by  the  way,  was  the  first  church 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER      135 

built  in  Mexico.  Icazbalceta  says:  " There  our  lay  brother 
brought  together  fully  a  thousand  boys  to  whom  he  imparted 
religious  and  civil  instruction.  Later  he  added  the  study  of 
Latin,  of  music,  and  of  singing,  by  which  means  he  did  a  great 
service  to  the  clergy  because  from  there  went  forth  musicians 
and  singers  for  all  the  churches.  Not  satisfied  with  this  achieve- 
ment, he  brought  together  also  adults,  with  whom  he  established 
an  industrial  school.  He  provided  the  churches  with  painted  or 
sculptured  figures ;  with  embroidered  ornaments,  sometimes  with 
designs  interspersed  in  the  feather-work  in  which  the  Indians 
were  so  distinguished ;  with  crosses,  candle-stick,  standards,  and 
many  other  objects  valuable  for  church  service,  no  less  than  with 
workmen  for  the  construction  of  the  churches  themselves,  for  he 
had  in  that  school  painters,  sculptors,  engravers,  stone-cutters, 
carpenters,  embroiderers,  tailors,  shoemakers,  and  other  trades- 
workers.  He  attended  to  all,  and  was  master  of  all. " 

MEXICO  UNDER  THE  VICEROYS 

But  after  all,  little  resulted  from  this  brilliant  promise.  The 
splendor  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  succeeded  by  a  period  of 
stagnation.  The  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  were 
dreary  periods  in  Mexico.  From  the  date  of  the  conquest  to  the 
success  of  the  independence  struggle  a  long  list  of  viceroys  ruled 
— more  than  sixty  of  them — few  of  whom  were  above  mediocrity. 
There  was  wealth  indeed,  much  formality,  and  a  certain  luxury. 
But  of  real  advancement  there  was  none.  The  rulers,  for  the 
most  part,  were  adventurers,  of  good  families,  who  must  be  pro- 
vided for.  They  came  poor,  they  went  rich.  The  salary  for  a 
long  period  for  the  viceroy  was  $40,000  per  year;  from  1689 
onward  it  was  raised  to  $70,000.  The  actual  salary,  however, 
was  a  relatively  unimportant  matter.  The  opportunities  for  a 
bad  ruler  to  gain  wealth  were  great.  Some  of  these  methods 
were  quite  legitimate;  many  of  them  were  far  from  being  so, 
and  corruption  was  rampant. 


136 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

OLD  BRIDGE,  AMATLAN. 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER      137 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

FOUNTAIN,  MEXICO  CITY. 


138  THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER 

MATERIAL   DEVELOPMENT 

It  is  a  mistake  to  think  of  Mexico  during  the  viceroyalty  as 
undeveloped.  It  is  true,  as  we  shall  shortly  see,  that  advance  in 
many  lines  was  discouraged  or  prevented.  But  there  were  many 
great  estates.  There  were  men  who  had  lands  upon  which  were 
thousands  of  tenants  almost  in  the  position  of  serfs.  There  were 
great  mining  enterprises,  employing  thousands  of  workers  and 
producing  enormous  wealth.  Every  city  had  well-built,  substan- 
tial, and  expensive  public  buildings.  Churches,  cathedrals,  and 
monasteries  abounded;  they  presented  a  type  of  architecture 
largely  developed  within  the  country  itself,  but  in  construction, 
decoration,  and  extravagance  they  were  notable.  Good  roads 
existed  in  many  portions  of  the  country,  some  of  them  well  paved 
with  stone.  Great  public  works,  like  aqueducts  for  bringing 
water  from  the  mountains  across  miles  of  intervening  country 
to  the  cities  were  constructed,  some  of  which  still  remain,  in  part 
or  whole,  to  tell  the  story  of  the  constructive  skill  of  the  workers 
of  the  time.  The  great  tunnel  cut  of  Nochistongo  still  remains  to 
show  the  magnificence  of  public  works  undertaken  for  the  gen- 
eral welfare.  Intended  to  defend  the  city  against  risk  of  flood- 
ing, the  great  tunnel,  representing  many  years  of  work,  much 
money,  and  a  frightful  death-list  among  the  workers,  was  an 
interesting  early  experiment  in  drainage. 

SPAIN'S  POLICY 

The  fact  was,  that  very  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the 
colony  of  Mexico,  or  New  Spain,  as  it  was  called,  it  was  con- 
ducted solely  with  the  interests  of  the  mother-country  in  view. 
Spain's  idea  of  colonization  was  to  get  all  the  wealth  possible 
from  her  possessions.  Wealth  was  drained  from  Mexico  to 
Spain.  Only  those  things  were  encouraged  in  the  way  of  enter- 
prise which  produced  an  immediate  value  to  be  transported  to 
the  home-land.  Mining  of  course  did  this,  and  mining  was  the 
chief  industry  throughout  the  period  of  the  viceroys.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  production  of  anything  which  was  already  pro- 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER      139 

duced  on  a  large  scale  in  Spain  itself  was  discouraged  in  New 
Spain.  Olives  would  have  flourished  in  Mexico,  but  the  raising 
of  olives  would  have  prevented  the  introduction  of  oil  from 
Spain ;  vineyards  might  have  been  developed  on  a  large  scale  in 
the  new  country,  but  Spain  already  produced  wines  beyond  her 
needs,  and  needed  a  field  for  exportation;  silk  probabfy  could 
have  been  easily  produced  in  Mexico,  but  silk  again,  was  a 
Spanish  product.  So  production  in  many  promising  lines  was 
prohibited  in  Mexico  for  fear  of  its  interfering  with  Spain's 
exports. 

In  the  same  way,  and  for  the  same  reason,  there  was  no 
encouragement  of  discovery,  invention,  or  manufacture  in  the 
new  world.  All  progress  in  those  directions  was  frowned  upon 
or  actually  prevented.  With  abundant  and  numerous  natural 
water-powers,  no  development  was  tolerated,  and  the  oppor- 
tunity for  useful  employment  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
workers  was  absolutely  closed. 

Not  only  so,  but  rigid  laws  regarding  trade  were  put  in  opera- 
tion. Trade  was  permitted  only  with  the  mother-country,  and 
Spanish  vessels  only  were  allowed  to  carry  exports  and  imports. 
Elsewhere  in  our  discussion  we  shall  find  that  there  were  trade 
relations  between  Mexico  and  the  Orient.  These  relations,  how- 
ever, were  not  independent ;  they  were  in  the  hands  of  Spaniards, 
conducted  by  means  of  Spanish  galleons,  and  for  the  benefit  of 
Spain.  Only  incidentally  were  they  advantageous  to  the  colony. 

DISCRIMINATION  AGAINST   CEEOLES 

Not  only  was  the  viceroyalty  considered  an  opportunity  for 
providing  for  needy  Spaniards — every  position  in  government 
and  church  was  considered  as  an  advantage  for  Spaniards  only. 
This  was  most  literally  enforced;  Spaniards  meant  " penin- 
sulars. "  Creoles,  the  children  of  Spaniards  born  in  Mexico, 
though  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  were  not  considered  fit  for  offices 
or  positions  of  trust  and  importance  in  their  own  country.  This 
discrimination  against  Creoles  was  one  of  the  sore  spots  in  the 
whole  history  of  Mexico  under  the  viceroys.  That  persons  of 
pure  Spanish  blood,  descended  from  immigrants  of  good  stand- 


140  THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER 

ing,  irrespective  of  their  inherited  qualities,  should  be  deprived 
of  opportunity  was  galling.  Yet  through  the  three  centuries  of 
Spain 's  control  this  discrimination  was  constant.  It  showed 
itself  in  state  and  church.  Augustin  Rivera  presents  interesting 
statistics.  He  says  that  out  of  the  sixty-two  viceroys  of  Mexico, 
fifty-nine  were  Spaniards  from  the  peninsula,  and  only  three 
were  Creoles — of  these  three  one  only  was  born  in  Mexico;  out 
of  thirty-three  bishops  of  Guadalajara,  twenty-six  were  Spanish 
peninsulars  and  seven  were  Creoles — five  of  them  Mexicans ;  out 
of  thirty-four  bishops  of  Michoacan,  thirty  were  Spanish  penin- 
sulars, and  four  were  Creoles — two  only  Mexicans ;  out  of  thirty- 
one  archbishops  of  Mexico,  twenty-nine  were  Spanish  penin- 
sulars, and  two  were  Creoles. 

EDUCATION    NEGLECTED 

While  the  University  of  Mexico  was  founded  in  1553  under 
such  excellent  auspices  and  with  such  promise,  while  printing 
presses  did  great  work  in  the  sixteenth  century,  while  public 
literary  controversies  suggest  an  interesting  intellectual  condi- 
tion, and  while  Pedro  de  Gante's  industrial  school  was  attended 
by  many  hundreds — education  was  not  encouraged  by  Spain  in 
Mexico.  No.  This  promise,  so  brilliant,  disappeared.  During 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  Mexican  education  was 
poor  in  quality,  meagre  in  amount.  It  was  blindly  realized  that 
it  would  not  help  the  mother-country  to  have  higher  education 
thoroughly  developed  among  Creoles,  mestizos  and  Indians.  At 
the  same  time  it  must  be  admitted  that  education  in  the  mother- 
country  also  languished  during  this  period. 

RELIGIOUS   SITUATION 

The  splendid  record  of  the  early  missionaries  was  not  con- 
tinued, unfortunately,  by  their  successors.  Success  in  propa- 
ganda led  to  pride  and  luxury.  Had  the  priests  failed  to  take 
advantage  of  the  exceptional  opportunities  which  they  enjoyed, 
they  would  have  been  both  less  and  more  than  human.  They 
were  in  contact  with  a  people  who,  throughout  their  history,  sac- 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER  141 

rificed  themselves  and  all  they  had  to  the  demands  of  religion. 
Subservient,  superstitious,  devout,  and  enthusiastic,  the  Indian 
converts  were  easily  led  and  easily  controlled.  The  condition  of 
the  church  during  the  last  portion  of  the  vice-royal  period  left 
much  to  be  desired.  In  fact,  it  was  one  of  the  great  causes  for 
complaint. 

A  well  known  writer  says :  "  In  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
beneficial  influence  of  the  religious  orders  began  to  wane.  They 
had  grown  rich  and  worldly;  the  Carmelites,  who  had  come  to 
Mexico  as  late  as  1585,  had  become  so  wealthy  that  they  owned 
estates  in  the  province  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  one  hundred  leagues 
in  extent,  reaching  from  the  city  of  that  name  to  Tampico.  The 
protection  of  the  Indians  from  the  aggression  of  the  colonists 
previously  afforded  by  the  Orders,  was  greatly  relaxed.  It  is 
not  without  significance  that  one  great  source  of  the  church's 
wealth  during  this  period  was  found  in  the  opulent  colonists, 
who,  by  their  munificent  gifts  to  the  church,  were  able  to  acquire 
an  ascendency  over  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  and  maintain 
it  ready  for  use  whenever  an  emergency  arose,  rendering  it 
serviceable.  .  .  .  So  it  came  about  most  naturally  that  the 
influence  of  the  religious  orders  proved  exceedingly  harmful  dur- 
ing the  last  of  the  three  centuries  of  Spanish  rule  in  Mexico.  The 
Dominicans,  who  had  all  along  been  a  dominating  power,  had, 
by  the  exercise  of  the  functions  of  the  Holy  Office,  engendered 
a  deep  feeling  of  hatred  for  the  religious  government,  and  this 
hatred  reacted  upon  the  political  government  so  closely  con- 
nected with  it.  The  Dominicans  alone  might  be  said  to  have 
furnished  a  powerful  cause  for  the  overthrow  of  Spanish  rule, 
at  the  very  time  when  they  were  laboring  hardest  to  uphold  it  as 
it  manifested  signs  of  tottering.  And  all  the  orders — by  seizing 
and  holding  vast  amounts  of  property,  by  building  churches  and 
monasteries  in  times  when  the  people  were  suffering  the  most 
abject  poverty,  and  by  enforcing  the  law  of  tithes,  thus  gaining 
control  of  wealth  which  should  have  been  applied  in  encouraging 
industry  and  relieving  the  needs  of  the  people — conspired  to 


142  THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER 

stimulate  the  popular  discontent  which  finally  broke  out  into 
open  revolt. " 

VASSALAGE  AND  SLAVERY 

Under  the  circumstances,  only  a  certain  kind  of  agriculture 
and  the  industry  of  mining  had  a  chance  for  development.  In 
the  very  nature  of  things,  both  of  these  led  naturally  to  vassalage 
and  slavery.  The  only  form  of  agriculture  profitable  was  that 
of  large  estates  upon  which  great  numbers  of  laborers  were 
maintained  at  the  least  possible  cost.  The  pattern  for  such  con- 
ditions of  course  already  existed  in  those  of  Europe  at  the  time ; 
even  if  it  had  not,  such  estates  would  have  developed  naturally 
in  the  New  World.  Such  conditions  of  course  prevailed  upon 
the  great  estates  belonging  to  the  church.  Such  at  first  grew  up 
in  the  most  natural  and  legitimate  fashion.  The  newly  con- 
verted Indians  were  completely  under  the  influence  of  their 
religious  teachers.  They  flocked  in  droves  to  their  teachers 
and  settled  immediately  about  the  monastery.  Under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  friars  they  learned  arts  and  trades,  constructed  build- 
ings, worked  the  fields.  At  first  the  relation  was  a  happy  and 
helpful  one,  and  the  kindest  spirit  existed  between  the  friars  and 
their  Indians.  With  the  development  of  wealth  and  luxury  within 
the  Orders,  this  relation  naturally  changed,  and  toward  the 
end,  the  condition  of  the  laborers  upon  the  religious  estates  was 
that  of  serfs.  What  was  true  upon  the  properties  belonging  to 
the  church  was  still  more  true,  and  earlier,  in  individual  holdings 
in  the  country.  There,  usually  there  was  no  pretense  of  instruct- 
ing or  improving  the  laborers  upon  the  property.  They  were 
supported,  but  received  practically  no  wages;  they  built  their 
little  houses  upon  the  property  of  their  master,  and  received 
from  his  hand  their  scanty  clothing  and  their  necessary  food. 
They  were  not  actually  owned  by  the  owner  of  the  estate,  and 
perhaps  were  free  to  leave  the  property.  If  they  did  so,  however, 
there  was  nothing  they  could  do  save  to  connect  themselves  with 
some  new  master  upon  some  similar  estate. 

As  for  the  labor  in  the  mines,  it  still  more  nearly  approxi- 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER      143 

mated  the  conditions  of  actual  slavery.  Mining  is  hard  work; 
unless  well  paid,  it  presents  little  attraction  to  the  worker; 
Indians  particularly — always  accustomed  to  a  simple  out-door 
life  of  agriculture — were  little  likely  to  go  to  mining  from  free 
choice.  Under  the  conditions  of  the  viceroyalty,  forced  labor 
became  a  necessity  if  precious  metals  were  to  be  produced.  Thus, 
through  the  system  of  agriculture  and  the  development  of  min- 
ing, the  Indians  and  the  common  people  of  mixed  blood  were, 
for  the  most  part,  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth,  in  a  state  of  peonage  or  actual 
slavery. 

MAKE-UP  OF  POPULATION 

Such  were  the  conditions  of  Mexico  after  almost  three 
hundred  years  of  Spanish  rule.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  there  were  perhaps  something  more  than  six 
million  in  the  population.  In  the  year  1793,  the  viceroy  estimated 
the  make-up  of  the  population  of  the  country  as  follows:  Out 
of  a  total  of  something  over  five  million  people,  there  were  ten 
thousand  Europeans,  nearly  seven  hundred  thousand  Creoles, 
one  million  five  hundred  thousand  mestizos,  or  people  of  mixed 
blood,  and  two  million  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand 
Indians. 


144 


THE  GLORIOUS  CENTURY— AND  AFTER 


<  pyrig.atu  by  I 


oi.ii  ami  I'mlerwood 

FALLS  OF  JUANACATLAN. 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 


AL 


TEOUBLES    IN    SPAIN COMPLAINTS    OF    THE    COLONISTS THE    FIRST 

MARTYR,  VERDAD CURA  HIDALGO THE  CRY  OF  INDEPENDENCE- 
CAPTURE    OF    GUANAJUATO CONDITIONS    IN     THE     CAPITAL THE 

BATTLE     OF     LAS     CRUCES HIDALGO     FLEES     TO     GUADALAJARA — 

PUNISHMENT     OF     GUANAJUATO THE     NEW     GOVERNMENT THE 

BATTLE   AT    THE    BRIDGE THE    END    OF    HIDALGO  *S    REVOLUTION — 

MEXICAN  CRUELTY. 

LEXANDER   HUMBOLDT 

in  his  great  work,  "The 
Political  History  of  New 
Spain,"  in  1803,  asserted  that 
the  great  majority  of  Mexicans 
were  entirely  indifferent  to  their 
political  rights,  and  not  likely  to 
join  in  any  effort  to  gain  them. 
Not  that  the  yoke  of  Spain  was 
pleasant;  but  among  the  people 
there  were  few,  if  any,  who  were 
fit  for  leadership,  or  who  clearly 
saw  a  method  of  escape  from 
tyranny. 


TROUBLES  IN  SPAIN 


APODACA. 


In  1808  the  viceroy  was  Jose 
Iturrigaray.  He  was  by  no  means  a  bad  ruler.  He  encouraged 
progress  and  held  advanced  ideas.  The  moment  was  a  difficult 
one.  Spain  was  suffering  humiliation.  The  great  Napoleon 
was  casting  longing  eyes  upon  the  peninsular  kingdom.  Through 
his  meddling,  the  Spanish  king,  Carlos  IV,  had  resigned  his 
throne,  and  his  son,  the  Prince  of  Asturias,  had  ascended  to  the 
kingship,  under  the  name  of  Ferdinand  VII.  Napoleon  encour- 
aged dissension  between  father1  and  son,  and  finally,  under 
pretense  of  arbitrating  difficulties,  persuaded  Ferdinand  to  come 

145 


146  A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 

to  Bayonne,  where  he  was  thrown  into  prison.  A  proclamation 
issued,  apparently  under  stress,  by  Ferdinand  VII,  urged  the 
people  to  submit  to  Napoleon's  schemes.  But  the  nation  was 
aroused,  and  loyalty  to  the  imprisoned  king  led  to  the  formation, 
in  different  parts  of  Spain,  of  juntas  which  assumed  local  and 
temporary  governmental  ruling  in  his  name.  To  further  his 
own  schemes,  Napoleon  sent  emissaries  to  the  colonies  in  order 
to  stir  up  sedition  and  gain  favor  for  his  cause.  He  finally 
occupied  Spain,  and  his  brother,  Joseph  Bonaparte,  ruled  as 
king  for  the  period  which  ended  in  1813. 

COMPLAINTS   OF   THE   COLONISTS 

Naturally  Mexico  felt  the  effect  of  these  Spanish  difficulties. 
Three  elements  of  the  population  should  be  carefully  distin- 
guished in  dealing  with  the  events  of  the  time :  The  Audiencia, 
or  local  government,  conservative  and  despotic,  was  confined 
completely  to  non-progressive  platforms  and  with  it  were  the 
Spaniards  sent  from  the  peninsula  as  officials,  or  who  had  come 
on  their  own  account  as  adventurers.  The  Creoles,  of  pure 
Spanish  blood  but  born  in  Mexico,  were  the  discontented  class ; 
they  were  treated  as  inferiors  and  were  refused  all  appointments 
of  trust  and  honor  in  church  and  state ;  they  were  repressed  in 
every  laudable  effort  to  develop  and  advance  the  country.  It 
was  from  this  class,  and  this  class  only,  that  hostility  to  Spain 
was  to  be  expected.  The  great  mass  of  the  people,  Indians  and 
mixed  bloods  were,  as  Humboldt  said,  indifferent  to  their  politi- 
cal rights.  On  the  whole,  there  was  not  in  Mexico  serious  opposi- 
tion displayed  to  Spain  as  such,  nor  to  Ferdinand  as  ruler.  It 
was  realized,  however,  that  it  was  impossible  for  Mexico  to  be 
satisfactorily  governed  by  petty  and  local  juntas  in  Spain.  These 
juntas  were  loyal  to  the  legitimate  ruler  of  the  country.  But  if 
that  kind  of  government  were  to  exist,  it  would  be  better  to  have 
a  local  junta  in  Mexico,  recognizing  Ferdinand  VII  as  king,  but 
dealing  directly  with  the  affairs  of  the  country.  This  idea  was  in 
harmony  with  the  aspirations  of  the  Creoles,  and  it  had  the 
approval  qf  the  viceroy.  It  would  have  been  a  step  forward  in 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST  147 

the  direction  of  good  government.  But  the  Audiencia  and  the 
Spaniards  were  vigorously  against  the  plan.  They  declared  that 
the  viceroy  was  seeking  to  establish  himself  in  power;  that  the 
movement  was  aimed  against  the  king.  Iturrigaray  was  seized, 
compelled  to  leave  the  city,  imprisoned  for  a  time  in  San  Juan 
Ulna,  and  at  last  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  Spain. 

THE    FIRST    MARTYR VERDAD 

The  reactionaries  put  an  old  soldier,  Pedro  Garibay,  into  the 
position  of  viceroy.  He  did  not  hold  office  for  long,  being  removed 
by  the  regency  of  Cadiz.  During  his  administration,  however, 
one  event  of  serious  interest  took  place.  Among  the  dissatisfied 
and  thinking  Creoles  was  a  licenciado,  named  Verdad.  He  was 
outspoken  in  his  hostility  to  the  Spaniards  and  their  control ;  he 
indulged  in  writing  sharp  and  sarcastic  criticisms.  He  was 
accused  of  treason,  seized,  and  hung.  He  was  the  first  martyr  to 
the  new  cause. 

When  Garibay  was  removed,  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico, 
Francisco  Javier  Lizana,  was  appointed  viceroy.  This  was  in 
1809.  The  Archbishop  was  a  man  of  ideas  and  acted  with  some 
vigor.  He  raised  a  loan  of  3,000,000  pesos,  of  which  2,000,000 
was  sent  to  the  mother-country;  he  organized  a  militia  and 
ordered  considerable  purchases  of  arms ;  he  embargoed  the  goods 
of  prominent  Mexicans  who  were  Bonapartist  sympathizers ;  he 
publicly  burned  one  of  the  seditious  proclamations  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte ;  learning  of  a  conspiracy  hatching  at  Valladolid,  he 
promptly  took  steps  for  its  suppression.  But  the  influences  at 
Cadiz  were  against  him,  and  in  1810  he  was  succeeded  by  Pedro 
Catani.  A  little  later  in  the  same  year,  a  new  viceroy  arrived  in 
Mexico,  taking  office  September  14,  1810.  His  name  was  Fran- 
cisco Javier  Venegas. 

CURA   HIDALGO 

The  hero  of  Mexico's  revolution  is  the  simple  village  priest, 
Miguel  Hidalgo  y  Costilla.  He  was  born  at  Cuitzeo,  Guanajuato, 
on  May  8,  1753.  He  studied  at  Valladolid  (now  known  by  the 


148 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 


name  Morelia).  He  was  educated  in  the  famous  old  school  of 
San  Nicolas  de  Valladolid,  of  which  institution  he  became  rector. 
In  1779  he  took  sacred  orders  at  the  City  of  Mexico.  He  was 
appointed  to  various  parishes,  and  in  1810  was  parish  priest  at 
the  village  of  Dolores,  in  the  State  of  Guanajuato  not  far  from  the 

capital  city  of  the   same    

name.  He  was  a  man  of 
considerable  ability.  He 
knew  French,  at  that  time 
a  less  common  accomplish- 
ment in  Mexico  than  at 
present,  and  was  inter- 
ested in  agriculture  and 
in  industrial  development. 
He  encouraged  his  people 
in  habits  of  industry  and 
succeeded  in  developing 
extensive  vineyards,  tin1 
raising  of  silk-worms,  and 
the  making  of  pottery 
among  his  parishioners. 
Such  development,  how- 
ever, was  not  in  accord- 
ance with  the  ideas  of  1 1 1 « ' 
Spanish  rulers.  His  vine- 
yards had  been  destroyed, 
and  his  other  enterprises 
hampered  by  their  hos- 
tility. 

Perhaps  these  interferences  with  his  legitimate  enterprises 
had  a  part  in  strengthening  his  hostility  to  the  existing  policies. 
However  that  may  be,  he  was  interested  in  conspiring  against 
the  government.  The  conspiracy  was  not  confined  to  him  nor  to 
his  immediate  neighborhood.  Plans  had  been  maturing  in  vari- 
ous towns,  and  many  were  interested  in  them.  It  was  the  pre- 


MAEIA  JOSEFA  OETIZ. 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST  149 

mature  discovery  in  Queretaro  of  these  conspiracies  that  precipi- 
tated the  revolution  before  plans  were  ripe.  At  Queretaro  the 
corregidor,  Miguel  Dominguez,  had  been  the  leader  of  the  move- 
ment. Upon  learning  of  the  plotting,  the  government  ordered 
the  seizure  of  the  conspirators  everywhere.  Learning  that  he 
was  certain  to  be  seized,  if  he  delayed,  Hidalgo  late  on  the  night 
of  September  15 — at  11  P.  M.  indeed — gave  the  famous  grito  de 
Dolores. 

THE    CKY    OF    INDEPENDENCE 

It  was  the  cry  of  independence.  With  him  at  the  moment  were 
his  brother,  Mariano,  Jose  Santos  Villa,  Aldama,  and  Allende, 
and  ten  armed  men.  Two  of  these  men  are  notably  famous 
in  the  list  of  Mexican  heroes — Aldama  and  Allende.  Allende 
particularly  was  a  man  of  weight.  He  was  born  at  San  Miguel 
Grande,  January  20,  1779.  He  was  rich  and  of  good  family  and 
was  trained  for  the  profession  of  arms,  becoming  captain  of  the 
Queen's  dragoons.  Creole,  cultured,  and  ambitious,  he  natur- 
ally found  the  limitations  to  which  he  was  subjected,  galling,  and 
early  became  interested  in  the  conspiracies.  He  was  frequently 
in  the  councils  of  the  plotters,  both  at  San  Miguel  and  Queretaro. 

The  grito  given,  the  little  band  of  fifteen  men,  all  armed,  went 
to  the  village  jail,  where  they  released  the  prisoners  and  supplied 
them  with  swords.  They  then  went  to  the  parish  church  where 
people  began  assembling,  news  of  the  rising  spreading  rapidly. 
By  dawn  of  the  16th,  a  great  crowd  was  assembled,  under  the 
orders  of  the  beloved  priest. 

The  crowd  proceeded  to  the  important  city  of  San  Miguel 
Grande,  where  they  arrived  at  night.  Allende  there  joined  them, 
bringing  over  with  him  as  an  aid  to  the  revolt  the  Queen's  Regi- 
ment of  which  he  was  in  command.  They  proceeded  to  organize 
the  army.  Hidalgo  was  made  General  of  the  forces,  Allende, 
Lieutenant-General.  The  newly  formed  army  marched  to 
Celaya,  where  their  numbers  were*  increased  to  fully  fifty  thou- 
sand men. 


150  A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 

CAPTURE  OF.  GUANAJUATO 

Proceeding  to  the  city  of  Guanajuato,  on  the  25th  of  the 
month  they  demanded  its  surrender.  The  demand  was  refused. 
The  city  officials,  together  with  the  Spaniards  of  the  city,  took 
refuge  in  the  Castillo  de  Granaditas,  carrying  great  treasure 
with  them.  Several  assaults  were  made  by  the  insurgent  force 
against  the  building  without  result.  Finally,  however,  it  was 
captured,  and  all  the  people  who  had  taken  refuge  in  it  were 
massacred.  The  city  was  panic-stricken.  The  revolutionary 
forces,  without  training  and  discipline,  went  completely  beyond 
the  control  of  their  leaders.  Looting,  arson,  and  murder  took 
place.  When,  finally,  order  was  restored,  Hidalgo  proceeded  to 
organize  a  local  government;  he  established  a  cannon-foundry; 
a  mint  was  instituted,  and  coins  issued  for  the  new  government. 
On  Oct.  10,  the  insurrectionists  set  out  for  the  city  of  Valladolid, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  night  of  the  17th.  There  the  army 
was  completely  reorganized,  supplies  were  secured,  and  prepara- 
tions made  for  an  advance  movement  upon  the  City  of  Mexico. 
When  all  was  ready,  the  army  of  the  revolution  set  out  upon  the 
main  road,  which  coincided  with  the  present  line  of  the  Mexican 
National  Railway.  When  it  reached  Monte  de  las  Cruces,  100,000 
men  were  in  line. 

CONDITIONS   IN    THE    CAPITAL 

The  new  viceroy,  Venegas,  had  meantime  been  active.  Acting 
on  his  orders,  the  bishops  and  Holy  Office  excommunicated 
Hidalgo  and  his  companions.  Friars  preached  sermons  against 
the  popular  movement.  There  was  panic  and  terror  in  the  city. 
Citizens  were  fleeing  to  other  places,  treasure  was  being  con- 
cealed, preparations  were  being  made  for  defense.  A  well 
trained  army  of  3,000  under  Trujillo  was  sent  against  the  rebels 
in  hope  of  staying  their  forward  progress.  On  October  30th  a 
terrible  battle  took  place,  known  in  history  as  the  Battle  of  Las 
Cruces. 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST  151 

THE  BATTLE  OF  LAS  CRUCES 

It  was  the  pitting  of  trained  troops,  supplied  with  artillery, 
against  an  enormous  multitude  of  undisciplined  men  with  motley 
equipment.  The  result  of  the  battle  was  that  the  army  of  the 
viceroy  was  wiped  out  of  existence;  Trujillo  himself,  one  major, 
and  a  cornet  escaped.  If  Hidalgo  had  been  a  soldier  and  pushed 
on  immediately  after  this  victory,  it  is  probable  that  the  revolu- 
tion would  have  been  successful.  At  the  moment  Mexico  was  abso- 
lutely undefended,  and  no  force  could  have  been  put  into  the  field 
against  him.  He  tarried,  however,  at  the  field  of  victory  and  then 
ordered  a  retreat.  No  one  knows  why  the  priest-general  made 
such  a  blunder  from  the  military  point  of  view.  It  is  possible 
that  he  feared  the  horrors  which  would  certainly  occur  if  his 
unruly  mob  were  once  in  possession  of  the  wealthy  capital.  His 
retreat  caused  dissatisfaction  among  his  people.  Many  deserted. 
With  the  remainder  he  started  toward  the  north,  and  at  Aculco, 
unexpectedly,  met  with  a  Spanish  force  which  had  been  organ- 
ized in  the  interior  of  the  country.  In  the  battle  which  ensued, 
the  revolutionists  were  defeated  and  dispersed.  Allende  and  his 
aids  found  their  way  to  Guanajuato.  Hidalgo  reached  Valladolid. 

HIDALGO  FLEES  TO  GUADALAJARA 

In  Valladolid  it  was  learned  that  Jose  Antonio  Torres  had 
seized  Guadalajara,  the  Spanish  authorities  fleeing  from  the  city. 
Hidalgo  succeeded  in  gathering  about  seven  thousand  new 
recruits,  and  went  to  Guadalajara,  where  he  arrived  November 
26th.  In  Guanajuato,  Allende  had  made  efforts  to  prepare  him- 
self to  meet  Felix  Maria  Calleja,  who  was  approaching  from  the 
City  of  Mexico  with  a  well  organized  force.  As  there  was  no  hope 
of  assistance  from  Hidalgo,  after  some  resistance,  Allende 
evacuated  toward  the  north,  soon  turning  west,  and  reaching 
Guadalajara  on  December  12th. 

PUNISHMENT    OF    GUANAJUATO 

Calleja  occupied  Guanajuato,  and  as  a  punishment  to  the  city 
for  having  failed  to  defend  itself  against  the  revolutionists,  and 


152  A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 

for  harboring  them  after  their  defeat  at  Aculco,  was  permitting 
the  most  hideous  pillage.  It  is  said  that,  in  his  official  report  he 
boasted,  by  cutting  the  throats  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  he 
had  saved  the  Government  expense  in  powder  and  shot.  It  is 
claimed  that  14,000  persons  were  "put  to  the  knife."  In  the 
midst  of  this  hideous  slaughter,  it  is  said  that  a  bold  priest, 
Belaunzaran,  personally  remonstrated  with  the  Spanish  leader ; 
his  intervention  was  effective,  and  the  pillage  checked ;  but  some- 
thing more  than  fifty  Mexicans  were  apprehended  and  shot  as  a 
final  warning.  Valladolid  also  was  occupied  by  royalist  forces 
and  the  whole  revolutionary  movement  was  thus  centered  and 
isolated  in  Guadalajara. 

THE    NEW    GOVERNMENT 

In  that  city,  meantime,  Hidalgo  was  organizing  a  govern- 
ment. He  assumed  the  title  Generalissimo;  he  appointed  two 
ministers  of  Government — one  at  the  head  of  a  Department  of 
Grace  and  Justice,  the  other  at  the  head  of  a  Department  of  State 
and  Business.  He  sent  a  commissioner  to  the  United  States  to 
announce  the  organization  of  the  new  government  and  to  ask  for 
sympathy  and  recognition.  He  declared  slavery  abolished, 
removed  the  stamp  tax,  and  prepared  an  army  to  withstand  the 
attack  which  was  now  threatening. 

THE    BATTLE    AT    THE    BRIDGE 

Calleja,  with  his  force  greatly  strengthened  and  well  organ- 
ized, was  indeed  upon  his  way  to  Guadalajara.  Abasolo  and 
Allende,  informed  of  his  coming,  selected  as  their  place  for 
defense,  the  Puente  de  Calderon.  There  they  had  assembled 
100,000  men  with  ninety-five  pieces  of  artillery.  Calleja 's  force 
amounted  to  only  from  six  thousand  to  ten  thousand  men,  but 
they  were  well  disciplined  and  well  equipped.  The  battle  at  the 
bridge  was  fought  bitterly ;  three  times  it  looked  as  if  the  inde- 
pendent forces  would  win  the  day ;  but  finally  the  effect  of  disci- 
pline was  evident,  and  the  revolutionists  met  with  a  complete 
defeat ;  the  insurgent  army  was  dispersed,  and  fled  in  every  direc- 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST  153 

tion.  This  decisive  battle — final  indeed — took  place  upon  the  17th 
of  January,  1811. 

THE   END    OF    HIDALGO  *S   REVOLUTION 

Hidalgo  himself  fled  to  Aguas  Calientes,  where  he  united  with 
Iriarte.  Together  they  retreated  to  Zacatecas.  Allende,  Arias, 
and  others,  following,  deposed  Hidalgo  from  office,  and  all  of 
them  together  started  for  the  United  States  where  it  was  their 
purpose  to  prepare  for  future  operations  and  return.  They 
almost  succeeded  in  reaching  the  national  border.  In  the 
Coahuila  desert,  however,  they  were  surprised  by  royalists  under 
Elizardo;  the  chiefs  were  captured  and  taken  to  Las  Norias  de 
Bajan  on  the  21st  of  March.  Bound  and  carefully  guarded,  they 
were  taken  to  Monclova.  Sent  to  Chihuahua,  they  were  tried 
and  sentenced  to  be  shot.  Execution  was  carried  out  upon  all  of 
them,  Hidalgo  himself  being  executed  at  the  end  of  July.  The 
heads  of  the  four  patriots,  Hidalgo,  Allende,  Aldama,  and 
Jimenez,  were  cut  off  and  placed  in  iron  cages  at  the  four  corners 
of  the  Castillo  de  Granaditas,  in  Guanajuato,  the  building  which 
Hidalgo  had  captured  at  the  beginning  of  the  insurrection.  The 
ghastly  trophies  remained  there  until  the  final  success  of  the 
revolution  in  1821,  ten  years  later.  In  1823  the  bodies  of  the 
heroes  were  unearthed  and  buried  with  ceremony  in  the  great 
cathedral  in  the  City  of  Mexico. 

MEXICAN    CRUELTY 

Thus  ended  the  first  attempt.  It  seemed  as  if  the  revolution- 
ary movement  had  completely  failed.  It  was  a  desperate  attempt. 
This  first  struggle  was  marred  on  both  sides  by  hideous  cruelty. 
Cruelty  indeed  is  inherent  in  the  Mexican  character.  What  more 
could  be  expected?  The  Aztec  Indian  was  cruel,  the  Spaniard 
was  cruel.  The  mixture  of  the  two  bloods  could  not  hope  to  escape 
the  inheritance  of  this  quality.  A  prominent  writer  of  the  pres- 
ent-day Mexico,  Julio  Guerrero,  speaks  of  the  marked  cruelty 
of  his  people.  He  looks  upon  the  quality  as  the  result  of 
degeneration,  and  speaks  of  it  as  the  ferocious  tendencies  of  the 


154  A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 

Aztecs  reappearing  atavistically.  It  is  far  simpler  to  consider 
it  as  Aztec*  cruelty  continued,  reinforced  by  Spanish  cruelty, 
even  more  terrible  because  more  refined.  It  is  worth  while  to 
quote  the  Mexican  writer,  although  what  he  says  is  very  sad: 
"  After  ten  generations,  there  has  returned  to  beat  within  the 
breasts  of  some  of  our  patriots  the  barbaric  soul  of  the  worship- 
ers of  Huitzilopochtl,  of  those  of  the  sacred  spring-time  who 
went  to  the  lugubrious  sounds  of  the  teponastl  to  razzias  of 
prisoners  in  Tlaxcala  and  Huejotzinco,  to  open  their  breasts  with 
obsidian  knives,  to  tear  out  the  heart  and  eat  it  in  the  holocaust  of 
their  gods.  Three  centuries  of  masses  and  of  barracks  have 
been  too  little  for  the  complete  evolution  of  character  among  the 
people;  and  if,  on  the  Silesian  plain,  the  Sarmatian  of  Attila 
appears,  so  too  in  our  political  struggle  there  has  reappeared, 
with  the  indomitable  warrior  of  Ahuitzotl,  the  sanguinary  priest 
of  Huitzilopochtl. 

"  There  is,  in  fact,  nothing  in  our  independent  history  more 
lugubrious ;  even  the  most  illustrious  leaders  have  stained  their 
glory  by  the  needless  shedding  of  blood.  The  burning  of  vil- 
lages and  executions  en  masse  present  themselves  at  the  turning 
of  every  page  like  the  funeral  refrain  of  an  infernal  poem ;  and, 
if  it  be  true  that  there  are  not  lacking  some  superior  souls — as 
Don  Nicolas  Bravo,  who  set  at  liberty  300  Spanish  prisoners, 
although  he  knew  the  Spanish  leader  had  just  shot  his  father- 
many  other  leaders  of  that  and  later  epochs  systematically  exe- 
cuted all  who  fell  into  their  hands.  The  system  was  converted 
into  a  custom  and  gave  such  an  impress  of  barbarity  to  our  politi- 
cal struggles  as  is  not  to  be  found  even  in  negro  Africa,  since 
their  war  prisoners  are  held  as  captives  whose  ransom  is  the 
motive  of  war ;  slavery  redeems  them  from  death. 

"In  Mexico,  on  the  contrary,  frequently  no  account  was  made 
of  prisoners,  but  only  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  latter 
were  shot  or  knifed  in  spite  of  the  severity  of  their  wounds. 
Hidalgo  himself  not  only  ordered  that  those  taken  in  battle 
should  be  killed  without  fail,  b:it  in  Guadalajara  and  Valladolid 
ordered  the  seizure  of  suspects  and  caused  them  to  be  stabbed  at 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST  155 

night,  in  remote  places,  that  they  might  not,  by  their  cries,  cause 
a  disturbance.  In  this  way  600  innocent  persons  perished ;  and 
he  advised  the  leader,  Hermosillo,  to  do  the  same  in  El  Eosario 
and  Cosala.  Morelos,  after  the  battles  of  Chilapa,  Izucar,  Oax- 
aca,  etc.,  shot  all  his  prisoners  without  mercy ;  and  Osorio  did  the 
same  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  Garcia  in  Bajio  and  all  the  other 
insurgent  leaders,  though  usually  in  the  way  of  reprisal. ' ' 

The  name  of  Hidalgo  is  the  most  widely  known  of  any  name  in 
Mexico.  Ra  is  always  mentioned  as  the  Cura  Hidalgo.  He  seems 
to  have  made  a  deeper  impression  as  a  religious  leader  in  his  lit- 
tle parish,  teaching  the  people  industry,  cultivating  vineyards, 
and  rearing  silk-worms,  than  as  the  generalissimo  of  the  liberat- 
ing forces.  His  picture  is  seen  upon  the  walls  of  schoolrooms 
and  municipal  houses  in  the  most  remote  mountain  districts  of 
Indian  Mexico. 


156 


A  VILLAGE  PRIEST 


STRUGGLE  AND  VICTOEY 


THE  SECOND  PERIOD  ;  MORELOS CONGRESS  ORGANIZED FATE  OF  MATA- 

MORAS ITURBIDE,    THE    TERRIBLE THE    THIRD    PERIOD MINA — 

THE  FINAL  STAGE;   GUERRERO DEFECTION   OF  ITURBIDE SUCCESS 

OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

THE  first  period  of  the  revolution  ended  in  defeat.    It  ?s 
gummed  up  in  the  name  of  Hidalgo. 

The  second  period  of  the  struggle  is  also  summed  up  in  a 
single  name.  That  name  too  is  the  name  of  a  village  priest — 
Morelos.  While  the  Hidalgo  struggle  was  a  failure,  the  spark 

of  revolution  was  not  abso- 
lutely extinguished.  Ig- 
nacio  Eayon  had  been  left 
in  command  at  Saltillo  with 
a  few  troops  by  Allende. 
He  marched  against  a 
Spanish  force  under  Ochoa, 
which  was  on  its  way  to  at- 
tack him,  defeated  it,  and 
took  Zacatecas.  He  then 
marched  to  Zitacuaro, 
where  he  formed  a  junta, 
or  governing  committee, 
consisting  of  three  persons. 
Eayon  himself  was  at  the 
head  of  this  junta,  the 
other  two  members  of 
which  were  Jose  Maria 
Liceaga  and  the  priest, 
Jose  Maria  Morelos  y 
Pavon. 

Jose  Maria  Morelos  y 
/|  Pavon  was  born  at  Valla- 

JOSE  MAEIA  MORELOS.  dolid-the  city  which  now 

bears  the  name  Morelia  in 

his  honor — September  30,  1765.    His  parents  were  too  poor  to 

157 


158  STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY 

give  the  boy  an  opportunity  of  education.  He  early  went  to 
work  as  an  arriero  or  muleteer.  At  the  age  of  thirty  he  took  to 
studying,  attending  the  famous  Academy  of  San  Nicolas,  in  Val- 
ladolid,  of  which  Hidalgo  was  rector  at  the  time.  He  proved  a 
remarkable  student  and  became  a  priest,  holding  various 
charges.  Authorized  by  Hidalgo  to  do  so,  he  went  to  Acapulco, 
after  he  had  joined  the  insurgent  force  in  1810.  In  December, 
1811,  after  the  total  failure  of  the  Hidalgo-Allende  campaigns, 
Morelos  kept  on  fighting  and  met  with  several  notable  successes. 
On  January  22,  1812,  he  totally  defeated  Porier,  who  had 
attacked  him,  and  took  away  his  artillery  and  ammunition.  J$y 
his  successes,  the  entire  stretch  of  country  in  the  west,  extend- 
ing from  Acapulco  to  Cuauhtla,  was  cleared  of  Spanish  forces. 
At  Cuauhtla  there  took  place  a  military  event  in  which  Mexico 
has  justly  taken  pride.  Morelos  and  his  forces  were  besieged 
there  by  600  Spanish  soldiers  under  Calleja.  The  siege  lasted 
for  sixty-two  days  during  which  there  was  vigorous  fighting 
on  many  occasions.  At  the  end  of  that  time  Morelos  was  forced 
to  evacuate  the  city  with  his  troops  by  night.  He  succeeded  in 
doing  so  successfully  and  with  the  patriot  force  withdrew  south- 
ward, making  a  stand  at  Tehuacan.  Although  forced  to  with- 
draw, the  whole  Cuauhtla  incident  shows  Morelos  to  have  been 
a  military  man  of  no  mean  ability.  He  attacked  the  city  of 
Orizaba,  and  after  a  desperate  battle  at  close  quarters,  lasting 
hours,  in  the  very  streets  of  the  city,  he  gained  a  victory,  seiz- 
ing six  cannons  and  much  ammunition.  On  his  way  back  to 
Tehuacan,  he  was  surprised  upon  the  heights  of  Acultzingo,  and 
his  forces  thrown  into  disorder.  He  succeeded,  however,  in 
rallying  his  soldiers,  and  regained  Tehuacan.  From  there,  late 
in  November,  he  marched  southward  and  carried  the  city  of 
Oaxaca  by  assault. 

CONGRESS  ORGANIZED 

Just  as  Hidalgo,  in  the  moment  of  victory,  issued  orders  of 
retreat,  instead  of  pressing  forward,  so  Morelos,  when  he  might 
have  been  expected  to  make  Oaxaca  the  point  from  which  to  con- 


STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY 


159 


duct  an  aggressive  campaign  toward  the  center,  turned  aside  to 
gain  a  trivial  advantage.  He  marched  his  force  across  the  coun- 
try to  Acapulco  which  he  besieged  and  captured  August  25, 1813. 
It  was  not  worth  the  candle.  On  September  14,  he  summoned 
the  first  national  congress  at  Chilpantzingo.  This  body  included 
several  men  of  note.  Ignacio  Rayon,  Quintana  Eoo,  and  Carlos 
Bustamante  were  among  them.  The  congress  drew  up  a  declara- 
tion of  independence  and  appointed  Morelos  general  of  the  inde- 
pendent forces.  This  congress  had  a  difficult  and  stormy  career. 
At  the  time  it  was  organized,  it  was  intended  that  the  seat  of  the 
new  government  should  be  Valladolid.  The  army  was  organized 
and  took  its  way  toward  the  city  which  was  to  be  the  capital.  It 
arrived  within  sight  of  Valladolid,  indeed,  on  December  22, 1813 ; 
but  was  terribly  defeated  by  the  royalist  forces  led  by  Iturbide. 
After  that  the  congress  held  meetings  wherever  possible — at 
Acapulco,  Apatzingan,  Uruapan,  Tehuacan. 

FALL    OF    MATAMORAS 

The  success  of  Morelos  had  called  forth  many  men  whose 
names  as  patriots  became  famous.  Among  them  were,  Mariano 
Matamoras,  Vicente  Guerrero,  Nicolas  Bravo,  Guadalupe  Vic- 
toria— and  many  others.  Matamoras,  also  a  priest,  after  deeds 
of  striking  bravery,  was  captured  and  shot  at  Valladolid  in 
August,  1814.  Morelos  himself,  after  his  brilliant  successes  and 
patriotic  services,  was  captured  after  a  frightful  defeat  on 
November  5,  1815,  and  was  shot  December  21.  With  his  death 
the  second  struggle  of  the  revolution  came  to  an  end.  Upon  the 
royalist  side  during  this  period  the  two  great  names  were  Cal- 
leja,  already  famous  as  the  victor  in  the  Hidalgo-Allende  con- 
test, and  Iturbide. 

ITURBIDE,  THE  TERRIBLE 

Augustin  de  Iturbide  was  born  in  the  city  of  Valladolid,  Sep- 
tember 26, 1783.  Son  of  Spanish  parents,  but  born  in  Mexico,  his 
natural  affiliations  should  have  been  Creole,  and  his  sympathies 
with  the  independent  struggle.  Such,  however,  was  not  the  case. 


160 


STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY 


STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY  161 

Before  he  was  sixteen  years  of  age,  he  was  already  an  official  in 
the  local  militia.  At  the  end  of  1808,  almost  two  years  before 
Hidalgo  gave  the  grito  of  independence,  Iturbide  had  already 
pronounced  against  the  independent  movement  and  threw  his 
whole  strength  against  it.  He  was  brave,  a  good  soldier,  but  a 
man  of  notable  cruelty.  He  became  conspicuous  as  a  leader  of 
the  royalist  forces  during  the  period  of  Morelos.  It  was  he  who 
gave  the  dreadful  check  to  the  independent  forces  when  they 
made  their  effort  to  enter  Valladolid  to  make  it  their  capital. 

THE   THIKD   PERIOD 

To  all  appearance,  the  revolutionary  movement  was  ended. 
In  1816,  on  September  19th,  Juan  Euiz  de  Apodaca  became  vice- 
roy. He  adopted  a  policy  of  conciliation.  He  offered  amnesty 
to  those  who  had  been  revolutionists,  and  the  offer  was  accepted 
by  many  insurgent  leaders.  One  or  two  irreconcilables,  like 
Gruadalupe  Victoria,  took  refuge  in  the  mountains  and  made  no 
show  of  continuing  the  struggle.  The  whole  of  what  may  be 
called  the  third  period  of  the  revolution  was  a  brilliant  dash 
from  the  outside.  It  is  summed  up  in  one  man's  name — Mina. 

MINA 

Francisco  Javier  Mina  was  born  in  Navarra,  Spain,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1789.  As  a  Spanish  patriot,  he  fought  against  Napoleon. 
When,  finally,  the  Napoleonic  experiment  in  Spain  came  to  an 
end,  and  Ferdinand  VII  was  again  in  power,  Mina  could  not 
endure  the  tyranny  of  his  king,  and  attempted  a  revolution.  His 
effort  failed,  and  he  himself  was  forced  to  flee  to  England.  In 
London  he  met  with  Padre  Mier  and  other  Mexican  fugitives. 
With  them  he  fell  to  plotting  and  arranged  an  expedition  for 
Mexican  independence.  It  was  a  brilliant  dash,  and  for  a  moment 
gave  promise.  An  entrance  was  actually  made;  sharp  battles 
took  place ;  the  fort  of  Sombrero  was  captured,  and  considerable 
concern  was  caused  to  the  royalist  government.  But  there  was 
no  rallying  to  the  support  of  the  bold  leader.  His  effort  failed. 
Mina  was  taken  prisoner  and  shot.  The  capital  city  was  illumi- 


162  STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY 

nated,  and  the  church  bells  rang  in  celebration  of  the  victory. 
On  account  of  his  glorious  success,  the  viceroy  was  made  Count 
of  Venadito. 

THE   FINAL   STAGE GUERRERO 

But  the  darkest  hour  is  just  before  the  dawn.  The  fourth 
period  of  the  revolutionary  struggle  is  summed  up  in  the  name  of 
Vicente  Guerrero.  He  was  born  in  Tixtla,  about  1783.  He  was 
of  humble  birth.  Like  Morelos  he  was  at  first  an  arriero.  Like 
Morelos,  too,  he  joined  the  revolutionary  movement  in  its  first 
stage,  in  1810.  In  1811  he  fought  under  Morelos.  The  Mexicans 
say  of  him  that  he  was  a  thousand  times  defeated,  a  thousand 
times  conqueror ;  his  body  was  full  of  wounds ;  he  was  indomita- 
ble. When  many  of  the  leaders  accepted  the  amnesty  offered  by 
the  viceroy  Apodaca  he,  like  Guadalupe  Victoria,  took  refuge  in 
the  mountains.  On  March  6,  1818,  a  Spanish  leader  named 
Aguirre  captured  the  fortress  of  Jaujilla,  where  the  Mexican 
junta  government  was  then  united,  and  caused  it  to  disperse. 
In  September,  Guerrero  gained  two  victories  over  Spanish 
forces,  and  in  October,  reunited  and  protected  the  government 
junta  in  Jaujilla  and  restored  the  national  government.  In  1819, 
the  insurrection  gained  new  headway  and  more  than  twenty  vic- 
tories were  gained. 

DEFECTION    OF   ITURBIDE 

Straws  indicate  the  direction  of  the  wind.  With  the  turning 
tide,  Iturbide,  the  great  Iturbide,  the  terrible  Iturbide,  saw  the 
trend  of  destiny,  and  determined  to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the 
insurgent  forces.  This  was  in  1820.  A  liberal  constitution  had 
been  proclaimed  in  Spain,  and  with  its  proclamation  the  idea  of 
actually  separating  Mexico  from  the  mother-country  became 
quite  popular.  Iturbide  was  taken  with  the  notion ;  he  begged  the 
viceroy  to  place  him  in  command  of  the  forces  which,  in  the  south, 
were  to  fight  against  Guerrero.  He  set  forth  from  Mexico  in 
November;  making  his  headquarters  in  Teloloapan,  he  entered 
into  negotiations  with  Guerrero,  which  led  to  an  interview 


STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY  163 

between  the  two  leaders  on  January  10,  1821.  As  the  result  of 
the  conference,  Guerrero  yielded  the  entire  command  to  Iturbide. 
A  plan  of  independence  was  proclaimed  in  the  city  of  Iguala,  on 
February  24,  1821.  The  defection  of  Iturbide  naturally  caused 
a  great  excitement  in  the  capital  city.  The  viceroy  offered  him 
pardon,  money,  a  rise  in  rank,  but  in  vain.  He  therefore  took 
steps  for  immediate  defense.  Apodaca  was,  however,  no  mili- 
tary man;  he  was  not  a  favorite  with  the  Spanish  forces;  the 
garrison  revolted,  removed  Apodaca  from  the  position  of  vice- 
roy, and  appointed  Francisco  Novella  to  the  position.  This  he 
held  only  until  the  arrival  of  Juan  O'Donoju,  who,  sent  from 
Spain,  wras  the  last  of  the  long  list  of  more  than  sixty  viceroys. 
It  was  too  late,  however,  for  any  man  to  stay  the  tide.  The 
revolutionary  forces  everywhere  made  advances.  A  meeting 
between  the  new  viceroy  and  Iturbide  took  place  at  Cordoba. 
At  this  meeting  Mexico  was  declared  sovereign  and  independent ; 
Ferdinand  VII  was  invited  to  govern  the  new  country;  mean- 
time, a  government  commission  was  appointed,  of  which  O'Don- 
o  ju  himself  was  a  member. 

SUCCESS    OF    THE    [REVOLUTION 

Iturbide  and  the  independent  forces  approached  the  capital 
city.  After  some  conferences  and  negotiations,  the  independent 
army,  known  as  The  Army  of  the  Three  Guarantees,  entered 
Mexico.  The  three  guarantees  of  this  title  were  religion,  union, 
and  independence.  The  national  flag  symbolizes  these  three 
guarantees  in  its  three  colors — red,  white  and  green.  The  army 
made  a  triumphal  entry  to  the  city  on  September  27,  1821,  and 
the  revolution,  inaugurated  by  the  village  priest  eleven  years 
before,  had  gain  its  end.  It  was  a  long  drawn  struggle.  Its  four 
periods  are  embodied  in  the  names  of  four  heroes.  There  were 
periods  of  victory  separated  by  periods  of  doubt  and  despair. 
Why  was  so  long  a  struggle  necessary?  It  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  there  was  no  unity  of  blood  and  sentiment.  There  was  no 
national  feeling.  It  was  the  struggle  of  localities,  with  local 
leaders  against  a  force  that  was  unified  and  single. 


164 


STRUGGLE  AND  VICTORY 


PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR 

THE    REAL    CONDITIONS ITURBIDE    FOR   INDEPENDENCE THE    THREE 

GUARANTEES TREATY    OF    CORDOBA TRIUMPHAL    ENTRY    INTO 

MEXICO ITURBIDE      CROWNED      EMPEROR REVOLUTION      AGAIN — 

DEATH  OF  ITURBIDE. 

BUT  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  think  the  victory  was 
an  absolute  triumph  of  democratic,  or  republican,  prin- 
ciples.   Between  the  grito  of  Hidalgo  and  the  trigarante 
entry  into  Mexico  eleven  years  intervened;  between  the  grito 
of  Hidalgo  and  the  floating  of  the  tricolor,  there  was  a  new 
alignment  of  forces.     In  Spain 
Ferdinand    VII    was    again    in 
power;  he  was  a  reactionary,  a 
double-faced,    treacherous  fl 

schemer.       His     conduct     had  ^ 

aroused  against  him  a  current 
of  liberal  hostility.  The  people 
of  the  mother-country  were 
striving  for  greater  freedom— 
they  were  willing  to  share  their 
liberal  views  with  the  distant 
colony.  But  this  movement  in 
the  peninsula  was  anything  but 
welcome  to  the  Spaniards  and 
the  clergy  in  New  Spain.  They 
saw,  in  continuing  Spanish  rule  AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE. 

Of  this  liberal  type,  only  danger  Emperor  of  Mexico.    Patriot  and  traitor 

for  their  personal  and  class  interests.  For  them,  reactionaries 
as  they  were,  severance  from  Spain  was  now  desirable.  They 
were  not,  however,  moved  by  democratic  principles ;  they  were 
still  Spanish,  conservative,  aristocratic,  and  monarchical.  They 
even  dreamed  of  summoning  Ferdinand  VII  from  Spain  to 
Mexico  to  govern  as  legitimate  ruler  over  the  country.  These 
people  had  no  sympathy  whatever  with  the  struggle  being  waged 

165 


166  PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR 

by  Guerrero,  Guadalupe  Victoria,  and  Nicolas  Bravo.  But  they 
were  willing  to  utilize  the  aid  of  these  leaders  in  severing  the 
country  from  Old  Spain.  It  was  this  coalition  of  reactionary 
elements  that  saw  in  Iturbide  a  chance  to  gain  their  end.  It  was 
they  who  suggested  to  him  the  joining  with  the  independents  and 
forcing  a  crisis. 

ITURBIDE  FOB  INDEPENDENCE 

We  have  already  stated  that  Iturbide  asked  the  viceroy  for 
troops,  with  which  to  quell  the  growing  insurrection  in  the  south. 
We  have  seen  that,  once  in  the  field  with  his  2,500  well  trained 
soldiers,  instead  of  attacking  Guerrero,  he  held  council  witli 
him,  combined  forces,  and  was  given  control  of  the  entire  army. 
It  may  seem  surprising  that  Guerrero,  who  was  in  reality  a 
patriot  struggling  for  independence,  should  have  united  in  a 
movement  the  avowed  end  of  which  was  to  set  Ferdinand  VII 
upon  a  throne  in  Mexico.  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  was  fairly 
understood  between  the  leaders  that  the  probability  of  Ferdi- 
nand VII  coming  to  Mexico  was  remote.  It  was  one  of  those 
future  contingencies  which  might  be  left  to  take  care  of 
itself.  The  matter  of  pressing  momentary  importance  was  the 
freeing  of  the  country  from  control  by  Spain  itself.  Whatever 
influence  affected  Guerrero,  he  heartily  joined  with  Iturbide,  and 
we  have  seen  the  results  of  their  effort. 

THE   THREE   GUARANTEES 

The  Three  Guarantees  were  summed  up  in  the  words,  Reli- 
gion, Independence,  Union.  It  may  be  as  well  to  say  a  word 
in  regard  to  each  of  these.  The  guarantee  with  reference  to 
religion  was  that  the  power  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
should  continue  absolute  in  the  republic;  other  religious  forms 
were  not  to  be  tolerated ;  the  liberalizing  movements  taking  place 
in  Spain  were  to  be  checked  in  Mexico.  The  guarantee  of  inde- 
pendence was  merely  that  New  Spain  should  be  separated  abso- 
lutely from  the  mother-country;  it  was  not  promised  that  any 
special  form  of  government  should  be  established,  but  the  plan 


PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR  167 

seemed  to  involve  the  coining  of  Ferdinand  VII  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  constitutional  monarchy.  By  union  was  meant 
that  all  citizens  of  Mexico  should  have  equal  civil  rights ;  for  the 
first  time  Spaniard,  Creole,  mestizo,  and  Indian  were  to  be  equal 
before  the  law. 

TKEATY  OF  COKDOBA 

The  promulgation  of  the  Plan  of  Iguala  was  everywhere 
hailed  with  enthusiasm;  support  appeared  promptly  in  all 
quarters;  not  only  Guerrero,  but  the  old  stage-horses  of  the 
independence  struggle,  like  Guadalupe  Victoria  and  Nicolas 
Bravo,  together  with  new  heroes,  like  Santa  Anna,  promptly 
gave  adhesion  and  were  ready  to  fight  for  the  Three  Guarantees. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  no  fighting  was  necessary.  Apodaca  was 
removed  from  office.  When  O'Donoju  arrived  from  Spain,  he 
saw  at  once  that  it  was  useless  to  make  a  stand  for  the  old  con- 
ditions, and  wisely  acquiesced  in  the  condition  of  things  that  he 
found  in  the  country.  By  the  Treaty  of  Cordoba,  arranged 
between  him  and  the  supporters  of  the  Three  Guarantees,  it  was 
agreed  that  Mexico  should  be  acknowledged  to  be  independent 
and  sovereign;  a  constitutional  and  representative  monarchy 
should  be  established  with  a  Bourbon  king  in  power;  a  pro- 
visional government  should  be  at  once  organized  to  hold  power 
until  a  definite  form  should  be  developed. 

TRIUMPHAL  ENTRY  INTO  MEXICO 

It  was  on  the  anniversary  of  his  birth,  with  the  completion  of 
thirty-nine  years  of  life,  that  Iturbide  entered  the  capital  city  in 
great  state  and  was  publicly  hailed  amid  rejoicing  as  the 
"  Liberator. " 

At  the  moment  public  opinion  was  crystallizing,  and  people 
in  politics  were  falling  into  three  groups.  All  of  them  recognized 
the  Plan  of  Iguala  and  the  Treaty  of  Cordoba  as  fundamentals. 
The  first  group,  known  as  Bourbonists,  held  literally  to  the  two 
documents.  This  party  consisted  mainly  of  the  Spaniards.  They 
insisted  upon  the  calling  of  Ferdinand  VII  and  the  actual  estab- 


168 


PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR 


Copyrighted  by  DndWOOd  and  Cnderwoou 

EL  BUEN   TONO   CIGARETTE   FACTORY,   MEXICO. 


PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR  169 

lishment  of  a  monarchy.  They  were  the  extremists  in  one  direc- 
tion. On  the  other  side  were  the  republicans.  These  were  those 
who  had  been  fighting  for  so  long  for  independence.  Among 
their  leaders  were  the  well  known  names,  Guerrero,  Bravo,  and 
Guadalupe  Victoria.  They  had  been  of  consequence  before,  and 
their  aid  was  needed.  Now,  however,  that  the  separation  had 
been  made,  they  were  ignored  and  their  claims  neglected.  They 
of  course  had  hoped  for  the  establishment  of  a  republican 
form  of  government,  totally  independent  of  Spanish  influence. 
Between  the  two  were  the  Iturbidists.  Knowing  full  well  that 
there  was  no  probability  of  Ferdinand's  coming  from  Spain, 
they  looked  to  Iturbide  as  the  man  of  the  hour.  For  them, 
Mexico  indeed  was  independent,  but  over  the  new  nation  they 
would  have  an  arbitrary  leader  who  should  have  monarchical 
power.  For  this  ruler  they  desired  Iturbide. 

ITUKBIDE  CROWNED  EMPEEOE 

The  provisional  government  was  used  by  Iturbide  to  his 
advantage.  The  congress  which  formed  part  of  it  consisted  in 
large  part  of  republican  members.  With  it  Iturbide  had  his 
troubles.  However,  on  the  whole,  he  so  shaped  things  that,  on 
May  18,  1822,  in  the  military  barracks  a  pronouncement  took 
place  in  favor  of  Iturbide  as  supreme  ruler.  In  connection  with 
this  pronouncement,  through  a  manipulated  congress,  Iturbide 
was  declared  "Emperor  of  Mexico "  by  a  considerable  majority 
of  the  voting  members.  As  emperor,  he  assumed  the  name,  or 
title,  of  Augustin  I,  and  on  the  25th  of  July,  he  was  anointed  and 
crowned  under  that  title  in  the  cathedral  of  the  city. 

REVOLUTION  AGAIN 

Iturbide  was  not  a  man  of  strength.  Handsome  in  person, 
wealthy,  aristocratic,  he  was  vain,  proud,  and  weak.  He  was  a 
fair  soldier,  and  had  shown  some  ability  as  a  leader  in  battle ; 
he  was  distinctly  cruel.  As  a  ruler  he  failed  to  develop  strong 
qualities  of  character.  Instead  of  grappling  with  important 
problems,  he  toyed  with  the  trifles  and  insignificant  externals  of 


170  PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR 

rulership.  He  loved  display,  form,  ceremony.  He  was  arbitrary 
and  badly  bore  opposition.  He  had  been  but  a  short  time  in 
power,  before  he  dissolved  congress,  and  threw  many  of  the 
deputies  into  prison.  Never  having  had  the  strong  qualities  of 
a  leader,  it  is  not  strange  that  he  soon  faced  revolt  and  insurrec- 
tion. In  November  outbreaks  took  place  in  the  northern  portions 
of  the  country ;  these  were  quelled  without  great  difficulty.  But 
in  December  a  more  serious  uprising  took  place  under  the  young 
leader,  Santa  Anna,  who  proclaimed  a  republic,  promised  protec- 
tion to  the  congress  which  had  been  dispersed,  and  vigorously 
prepared  to  battle  with  the  imperial  forces.  It  was  the  signal 
for  a  general  rising,  and  Guadalupe  Victoria,  Guerrero,  Bravo, 
all  took  the  field  with  forces. 

In  February,  1823,  the  Plan  of  Casa  Mata  was  issued  to  the 
nation.  It  demanded  that  a  new  congress,  representative  in 
character,  should  be  called,  and  guaranteed  a  republican  form 
of  government.  Coincident  with  this  plan,  much  disaffection 
appeared  in  the  imperial  army,  and  defection  on  a  large  scale 
threatened.  Iturbide  recognized  the  fact  that  his  cause  was 
seriously  weakened.  He  hurried  to  release  the  deputies  whom 
he  had  thrown  into  prison,  and  called  congress  again  to  session. 
It  was  too  late,  however.  The  movement  against  him  was  serious. 
While  ambitious,  vain,  and  weak,  Iturbide  did  not  care  to  pre- 
cipitate a  civil  war.  Accordingly  he  abdicated  on  March  20, 
1823.  Thus  ended  the  first  Mexican  empire. 

DEATH  OF  ITURBIDE 

Iturbide  left  the  country  on  May  1,  1823.  Had  he  been  wise, 
he  would  have  remained  in  exile.  He  decided,  however,  to  return 
to  Mexico,  and  on  July  14,  1824,  he  arrived  with  his  family  at 
the  port  of  Soto  la  Marina.  General  Garza  was  at  that  time  in 
command  in  Tamaulipas.  He  invited  Iturbide  to  land.  The 
ex-Emperor  did  so,  and  was  received.  Only  a  few  moments  later, 
however,  an  officer  appeared  who  told  him  that  he  should  pre- 
pare to  die  within  two  hours,  as  he  was  to  be  shot.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  congress  had  decreed  several  months  previously  that,  if 


PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR  171 

Iturbide  should  return  to  Mexico,  he  should  have  no  legal  pro- 
tection for  his  person.  He  believed,  however,  that  he  would  be 
well  received,  and  therefore  came  back  to  Mexican  soil.  The 
congress  of  Tamaulipas,  in  extraordinary  session  deliberated 
upon  the  matter.  After  a  heated  discussion  between  the  members 
of  congress  and  General  Garza,  it  was  decided  that  Iturbide 
should  be  executed.  He  was  taken  from  the  house  where  he  was 
held  prisoner,  in  Padilla,  and  was  shot  on  the  19th  of  July,  1824. 
In  his  little  compendium  of  Mexican  history,  Manuel  Payno 
says  in  connection  with  this  incident — "Thus  ended  the  lieu- 
tenant of  the  Spanish  army,  the  general-in-chief  of  the  army  of 
the  Three  Guarantees,  the  regent,  and  the  Emperor  of  Mexico, 
Augustin  I." 

There  are  many  in  Mexico  who  still  insist  that  Iturbide  was 
a  great  patriot — who  emphasize  his  claim  to  the  title  of 
"  Liberator. "  There  are  others  who  speak  of  him  in  terms  of 
bitterness  as  a  traitor  to  his  country.  He  is  the  type  of  a  large 
class  in  Mexican  history.  Almost  every  man  whose  name  stands 
forth  conspicuously  in  their  annals  presents  a  mixture  of  the 
two  qualities.  They  are  at  once  patriot  and  traitor.  In  the  whole 
history  of  Mexico  we  find  personal  politics  instead  of  politics  of 
principles.  It  is  easy  for  a  man  of  certain  qualities  to  gain  a 
following  upon  almost  any  platform;  the  platform  is  generally 
in  its  presentation  one  which  appeals  to  patriotic  fervor,  and 
which  promises  advance  reforms.  But  when  the  leader  has  his 
party  committed  to  his  cause,  he  forgets  his  patriotism,  his 
promises,  his  protestations  of  principles ;  he  becomes  intoxicated 
with  power.  From  then  on  he  attempts  to  carry  things  with 
a  high  hand.  Few  fail  so  promptly  and  so  miserably  as  did  "the 
lieutenant  of  the  Spanish  army,  the  general-in-chief  of  the  army 
of  the  Three  Guarantees,  the  regent,  and  the  Emperor  of  Mexico, 
Augustin  I." 


172 


PATRIOT  AND  TRAITOR 


SANTA  ANNA 


VICTORIA    GUADALUPE PLAN    OF    MONTANO MASONRY    IN    MEXICO 

SANTA    ANNA    AGAIN GUERRERO  *S    FAILURE SANTA    ANNA    IN    A 

CONSTITUTIONAL  ROLE MANGO  DE  CLAVO A  REAL  LIBERAL CEN- 
TRALIZATION POLICY IN  FULL  CONTROL IN  THE  WAR  WITH  THE 

UNITED    STATES SERENE    HIGHNESS PLAN    OF    AYOTLA. 

THE  Mexican  constitution  was  adopted  in  1824.  It  was  un- 
luckily patterned  quite  closely  after  our  own.  There  are 
many  reasons  why  it  would  have  been  better  had  it  not 
been  so  copied.  In  the  first  place,  the  United  States  was  a  fed- 
eration of  states  which  were  already  separate  and  distinct,  each 
having  been  in  the  habit  of  con- 
ducting its  own  affairs ;  each  hav- 
ing always  had  its  local  govern- 
ment. In  the  second  place,  the 
people  of  the  United  States  were 
already  accustomed  to  political 
action;  they  had  long  had  prob- 
lems with  which  to  deal  and  a  rea- 
sonable amount  of  freedom  in 
dealing  with  them.  Again,  the 
population  in  the  colonies  was 
fairly  homogeneous ;  there  was  no 
sharp  division  into  castes;  this 
was  true  even  though  slavery 
existed  as  an  institution  in  the 
colonies,  and  it  is  significant  that, 
when  our  constitution  was 
adopted,  slaves  were  excluded 
from  citizenship;  in  a  population 
fairly  homogeneous,  speaking  a  single  language,  and  without 
marked  caste  divisions,  there  was  possibility  of  free  discussion. 
Conditions  in  Mexico  were  entirely  different.  As  a  colony  the 
country  had  always  been  ruled  from  a  single  center;  while  the 

173 


GUADALUPE  VICTOEIA. 
First  President  of  Mexico. 


174  SANTA  ANNA 

influence  of  local  and  petty  interests  was  present,  it  was  reduced 
to  a  minimum  by  the  strongly  centralistic  nature  of  control. 
Again,  the  people  had  never  had  opportunity  for  political  activ- 
ity ;  not  even  the  Creoles  had  had  any  actual  voice  in  government. 
Again,  the  four  different  classes  in  the  community — Spaniards, 
Creoles,  mestizos,  and  Indians — were  so  sharply  separated  that 
such  a  thing  as  free  and  general  discussion  of  public  questions 
was  impossible.  The  social  condition  of  Mexico  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  political  training  to  which  it  had  so  long  been  sub- 
ject, were  calculated,  with  the  introduction  of  democratic  prin- 
ciples, to  lead  to  dangerous  local  personal  leadership. 

VICTORIA   GUADALUPE 

The  first  president  elected  under  the  new  constitution  was 
Victoria  Guadalupe.  His  real  name  was  Felix  Fernandez  but 
he  adopted  the  name  Victoria  Guadalupe  from  sentiment.  He 
was  president  because  he  received  the  largest  number  of  votes 
cast.  Nicolas  Bravo  became  at  the  same  time  vice-president, 
having  received  next  to  the  largest  number  of  votes.  In  the 
very  nature  of  things,  this  was  a  bad  arrangement,  as  the  two 
persons  thus  elected  would  generally  represent  opposite  fac- 
tions. In  this  case,  Victoria  Guadalupe  represented  the  fed- 
eralist sentiment  which  aimed  to  emphasize  the  sovereignty  and 
independence  of  the  states,  while  Nicolas  Bravo  represented  the 
centralistic  idea.  Victoria  Guadalupe  served  his  full  term  of 
four  years.  The  most  important  incidents  during  his  adminis- 
tration were,  the  plot  of  Padre  Arenas,  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards,  the  Plan  of  Montano,  and  the  strife  between  the  dif- 
ferent branches  of  free  masonry.  Masonry  was  introduced  into 
Mexico  in  1820  under  the  form  of  Scottish  rites.  The  Spaniards 
and  aristocratic  Creoles  were  most  addicted  to  it.  They  repre- 
sented the  conservative  and  reactionary  elements  of  the  popula- 
tion. The  plot  of  Padre  Arenas  aimed  to  re-establish  the 
authority  of  the  Spanish  king  in  Mexico.  The  plot  was  betrayed 
by  one  to  whom  the  instigator  made  it  known,  with  the  result 
that  the  padre  and  a  number  of  his  co-conspirators  were  sen- 


SANTA  ANNA  175 

tenced  to  be  executed.  It  was  commonly  claimed  that  this  plot 
was  instigated  by  the  masons  of  Scottish  rites.  To  offset  the 
influence  of  this  reactionary  party,  the  republican  leaders  also 
became  masons,  but  masons  of  the  Yorkist  rites.  For  the  intro- 
duction of  this  phase  of  masonry,  Joel  R.  Poinsett,  the  first 
American  minister  to  Mexico,  was  largely  responsible.  Poin- 
sett, in  fact,  took  a  greater  part  in  the  politics  of  Mexico  than  a 
diplomatic  representative  would  be  expected  to  take. 

PLAN    OF    MONTANO 

The  plan  of  Montano  was  launched  against  the  government 
of  Victoria  Guadalupe  at  the  end  of  1827.  It  demanded  the 
resignation  of  the  minister  of  war,  the  expulsion  of  the  Span- 
iards, the  expulsion  of  Poinsett,  and  the  extinction  of  masonry. 
Nicolas  Bravo,  Vice-President  of  the  Republic,  was  implicated 
in  this  conspiracy,  a  fact  not  strange  when  we  remember  the 
law  regarding  the  election  of  president  and  vice-president. 

MASONKY  IN  MEXICO 

The  strife  between  the  two  wings  of  the  Free  Masons  came 
to  further  strength  with  the  suppression  of  this  attempt  at  out- 
break. In  September,  1828,  the  new  election  took  place,  and  the 
candidates  were  the  hero  Guerrero  for  the  Yorkinos  and  Ped- 
raza  for  the  Scottish  party.  The  Yorkinos  were  pronounced  lib- 
erals, federalists;  the  Scottish  party  were  the  conservatives, 
Spaniards  and  others.  Pedraza  was  the  Minister  of  War  under 
Victoria  Guadalupe,  whose  resignation  had  been  demanded  by 
the  insurrectionists.  As  the  result  of  the  election,  Pedraza  was 
elected.  The  partisans  of  Guerrero  were  unwilling,  however, 
to  recognize  him,  and  made  appeal  to  arms.  For  thirty  days 
war  was  carried  on  openly  in  the  capital  city. 

"We  have  said  so  much  simply  to  show  the  beginning  of  the 
republic  and  the  alignment  of  forces  at  the  moment.  It  is  not 
our  intention  to  present  an  outline  of  Mexican  history  in  detail. 
But  at  this  point,  with  the  appeal  of  the  Yorkinos  to  arms  in 
order  to  unseat  the  man  constitutionally  elected  to  office,  a  man 


176 


SANTA  ANNA 


emerges  whose  life  story  we  must  tell.  No  name  is  better  known 
in  connection  with  Mexican  history  than  his.  Antonio  Lopez  de 
Santa  Anna  was  a  remarkable  man  in  many  ways.  He  first 


PERPETUAL  ERUPTION. 

came  into  prominence  in  1822,  when,  by  the  plan  of  Casa  Mata, 
he  united  with  Bravo  and  Guerrero  in  a  truly  patriotic  and  inde- 
pendent movement  against  Iturbide. 


SANTA  ANNA  177 

SANTA   ANNA   AGAIN 

He  now  appears  again.  On  November  11,  1828,  he  pro- 
nounced at  Perote,  seizing  the  famous  castle — or  prison — of 
Perote.  He  declared  himself  in  favor  of  Guerrero  as  president, 
and  demanded  the  destitution  of  Pedraza.  The  president,  Vic- 
toria Guadalupe,  who  had  not  yet  completed  his  term  of  office, 
declared  Santa  Anna  guilty  of  treason  and  sent  a  force  against 
him.  He  was  besieged,  escaped,  pursued,  defended  himself 
with  bravery,  but  was  at  last  captured.  But  while  a  battle  in 
the  field  was  being  conducted  against  him,  changes  were  taking 
place  in  the  capital  city  favorable  to  him.  When,  finally,  he  had 
been  captured,  Pedraza 's  cause  had  failed.  Santa  Anna,  called 
to  Mexico,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  army.  On  January 
12,  1829,  Congress  declared  the  election  of  Pedraza  null,  and 
seated  Guerrero  in  the  presidential  chair.  With  him,  Anastasio 
Bustamante,  a  man  of  strong  centralistic  tendencies,  was  in- 
stalled as  vice-president.  As  was  natural,  quarrels  arose 
between  the  two. 


At  this  time  there  took  place  a  Spanish  invasion,  with  the 
idea  of  restoring  the  old  control.  In  the  crisis,  as  perhaps  was 
necessary,  Guerrero  assumed  dictatorial  powers.  The  vice- 
president,  Bustamante,  had  been  sent  with  forces  to  repel  the 
invaders.  After  the  actual  danger  from  the  foreigners  was 
past,  Guerrero  still  clung  to  the  dictatorial  powers  which  he  had 
assumed.  This  gave  Bustamante  the  chance  to  pronounce 
against  him,  which  he  did  with  his  forces  at  Jalapa,  The  Plan 
of  Jalapa  was  launched  by  Santa  Anna.  Guerrero  at  once  left 
the  City  of  Mexico  with  troops  to  subdue  the  insurrection.  No 
sooner  was  he  gone,  than  the  presidency  was  seized  by  another. 
The  old  hero  lost  out  everywhere.  Unable  to  subdue  the  insur- 
rection, unable  to  regain  his  presidential  chair,  he  was  declared 
by  congress  to  be  "morally  incapacitated."  Bustamante  came 
to  power.  Guerrero  had  friends,  however,  and  the  principles 
for  which  he  stood  were  by  no  means  dead.  The  country  was 


178  SANTA  ANNA 

soon  aflame  with  revolution.  Guerrero  himself  fled  to  the  south 
where  he  and  his  friends  successfully  withstood  the  attacks  of 
the  government  troops  sent  against  them.  The  government, 
becoming  convinced  that  it  could  not  conquer  Guerrero,  appealed 
to  stratagem  and  treason.  A  Genoese  navigator  named  Pica- 
luga,  captain  of  the  brigantine  called  the  Colombo,  was  hired  to 
carry  out  the  plot.  He  anchored  his  vessel  in  the  Bay  of  Aca- 
pulco  and  invited  Guerrero  to  dinner  on  board ;  when  they  had 
eaten,  the  Genoese  informed  Guerrero  that  he  was  a  prisoner, 
and  sailed  to  Huatulco.  There  he  was  given  up  to  his  enemies, 
tried,  and  condemned  to  death.  He  was  shot  in  Cuilapa,  Feb- 
ruary 15,  1831. 

It  may  well  be  asked  whether  the  death  of  the  old  patriot 
does  not  contradict  the  rather  frequent  boast  of  the  Mexicans 
that  they  have  never  assassinated  presidents.  Two  answers 
of  course  would  be  given  to  the  question :  at  the  time  when  he 
was  put  to  death,  Guerrero  was  not  the  actual  president  of  the 
republic.  Again,  while  the  trial  was  no  doubt  a  farce,  it  can 
be  said  that  he  was  tried  and  found  miilty  of  treason  against 
the  constituted  government.  In  him,  however,  one  of  the  most 
stalwart  defenders  of  truly  democratic  principles  passed  from 
the  scene  of  action. 

SANTA  ANNA  IN  A  CONSTITUTIONAL  ROLE 

In  January,  1832,  Santa  Anna  again  pronounced  in  Vera 
Cruz.  This  time  his  cry  was  "Restoration  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  Constitutional  Laws."  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
he  had  always  fought  against  their  principles,  the  federalists 
flocked  to  his  standard  and  aided  in  his  revolution.  Bustamante 
in  person  took  the  field.  He  was  defeated,  and  resigned  in  favor 
of  Manuel  Gomez  Pedraza.  Santa  Anna,  in  support  of  Pedraza, 
asserted  the  fact  of  his  constitutional  election  in  1828.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  he  himself  had  been  the  cause  of  the  annul- 
ling of  that  election.  In  other  words,  Santa  Anna  had,  in  turn, 
made  and  destroyed  Guerrero,  Bustamante,  and  Pedraza.  He 
had  no  absolute  principles  firmly  held.  His  ambitions  were 


SANTA  ANNA  179 

purely  selfish;  his  politics  entirely  personal;  and  his  followers 
did  as  he  did. 

It  will  be  noticed,  however,  that  the  period  for  which  Pedraza 
had  been  elected  was  now  almost  ended.  Only  three  months,  in 
fact,  remained.  When  a  new  election  was  held,  the  candidates 
were  both  well  known  old  revolutionary  leaders,  though  one 
stood  for  conservative,  the  other  for  liberal  principles.  By  the 
election  General  Bravo  became  president,  on  the  liberal  ticket; 
his  opponent,  mortified,  committed  suicide.  Congress,  which 
was  centralistic  at  the  moment,  set  aside  the  election  and  named 
Santa  Anna  as  president  and  Valentin  Gomez  Farias  vice-pres- 
ident. As  usual,  the  two  officials  represented  completely  oppo- 
site tendencies.  Gomez  Farias  was  a  man  of  advanced  ideas. 
He  had  demonstrated  his  ability  in  politics  and  government  in 
the  State  of  Zacatecas  of  which  he  had  been  governor. 

MANGO  DE  CLAVO 

Santa  Anna  now  developed  a  peculiar  characteristic  which 
marked  the  whole  remaining  period  of  his  life.  There  is  no  ques- 
tion that  he  had  schemed  and  worked  for  the  presidential  office. 
But  hardly  had  he  gained  the  position  when  he  abandoned  his 
public  duties  and  retired  to  his  estate,  Mango  de  Clavo,  between 
Jalapa  and  Vera  Cruz,  leaving  the  vice-president,  Gomez 
Farias,  in  charge.  Two  months  later,  General  Duran  pro- 
nounced, offering  the  Plan  de  San  Augustin.  This  plan  was  the 
most  reactionary  that  could  be  imagined.  It  demanded  the 
strengthening  the  church  and  army,  and  named  Santa  Anna 
as  the  supreme  dictator  of  Mexico.  As  president  of  the  repub- 
lic, Sanj;a  Anna  hastened  from  his  retirement  to  the  capital  city, 
appointed  Arista  to  the  second  place  in  the  army,  and  went  with 
him  and  it  against  Duran.  On  the  way  Arista  seized  the  person 
of  Santa  Anna  and  proclaimed  him  dictator.  All  of  this  of 
course  was  stage  play.  The  vice-president,  Gomez  Farias, 
rallied  the  Federals  and  demanded  that  the  president  should 
perform  his  full  duty  under  the  constitution.  Santa  Anna 
escaped,  naturally  without  difficulty,  from  the  hands  of  his  cap- 


180  SANTA  ANNA 

tor,  Arista,  and  came  back  to  Mexico,  apparently  intending  to 
fulfill  his  duty.  Arrived  there,  he  resumed  control,  pardoned 
Arista,  and  banished  Duran.  He  had  failed  in  his  scheme  of 
securing  dictatorial  power.  He  again  retired  to  his  hacienda. 

A  REAL  LIBERAL 

Gomez  Farias,  left  in  charge  of  affairs,  attempted  to  put  his 
own  views  into  operation.  These  were  definitely  progressive. 
They  aimed  toward  the  abolition  of  class  privileges  and  the 
improvement  of  the  condition  of  the  common  people.  They 
were  far  in  advance  of  anything  ever  seriously  attempted  in 
Mexico.  As  was  to  be  expected,  they  met  with  strong  opposi- 
tion. Meantime,  in  his  retreat  at  Mango  de  Clavo,  Santa  Anna 
was  again  plotting.  The  result  was  the  Plan  de  Cuernavaca. 
It  was  a  definite  reaction  against  the  liberal  politics  of  Gomez 
Farias,  with  the  distinct  aim  of  conferring  dictatorial  powers 
upon  himself.  Keturning  to  office  in  1834,  he  dissolved  con- 
gress, assembled  a  new  one,  annulled  the  reforms  undertaken 
by  the  vice-president,  deposed  him  from  office,  and  in  reality 
exercised  unlimited  power.  Encouraged  by  the  new  conditions, 
entirely  favorable  to  themselves,  the  clergy  and  military  now 
loudly  demanded  a  total  change  of  governmental  form.  This 
demand  was  met  in  May,  1834,  by  the  Plan  of  Toluca,  which 
abolished  the  Federal  constitution  with  the  recognition  of 
sovereign  and  independent  states,  and  replaced  it  by  a  new 
constitution  known  commonly  under  the  title  of  The  Seven  Laws 
(Las  Siete  Leyes). 

A  CENTRALIZATION  POLICY 

This  was  indeed  revolutionary.  Naturally  the  states  opposed 
it.  Several  of  them  were  outspoken  in  opposition,  but  only  one 
— Texas — was  able  to  give  force  to  its  opposition.  It  declared 
itself  independent,  and  invited  other  states  to  join  it  in  seceding 
from  the  Mexican  Republic  in  case  the  independence  of  the 
states  was  abrogated.  In  February,  1836,  Santa  Anna,  with 
eight  thousand  soldiers,  hastened  to  suppress  this  threatened 


SANTA  ANNA  181 

outbreak.  A  battle  took  place  at  San  Antonio  which  resulted  in 
a  victory  for  Santa  Anna  who  massacred  the  entire  garrison  of 
the  Alamo.  Having  gained  this  victory,  with  his  eight  thou- 
sand troops  the  hero  was  withdrawing,  when  he  met  General 
Houston  with  less  than  a  thousand  soldiers  in  his  force.  The  bat- 
tle of  San  Jacinto  ensued;  the  Texans  gained  a  notable  victory 
and  took  the  entire  Mexican  army  prisoners.  By  the  treaty 
arranged  with  General  Houston,  the  Mexican  army  was  with- 
drawn, the  independence  of  Texas  acknowledged,  and  Santa 
Anna  was  to  return  to  his  own  country  by  way  of  the  United 
States.  He  did  so,  taking  ten  months  upon  the  way.  Arrived 
in  Mexico,  he  denounced  the  treaty  which  he  said  he  had  signed 
under  duress,  and  then  went  into  retirement  again. 

This  time  he  remained  for  two  years.  In  1838  Mexia  led  a 
force  against  the  government,  aiming  to  restore  independent 
principles.  At  the  moment,  Bustamante  was  again  in  power. 
He  recalled  Santa  Anna  from  his  retirement  and  placed  him  in 
charge  of  the  government  forces.  A  victory  was  gained  over 
Mexia  who  was  executed.  Soon  afterwards,  there  was  an  inter- 
ference by  the  French  government  in  the  effort  to  collect  a  claim 
against  Mexico.  In  defending  his  country  against  this  foreign 
attack,  Santa  Anna  lost  a  leg.  It  was  a  fortune  for  him.  From 
that  time  onward,  it  was  a  great  card  to  play  in  case  of  diffi- 
culty— to  have  lost  a  member  in  defense  of  his  nation  was  proof 
positive  of  patriotic  loyalty.  Conditions  in  the  republic,  how- 
ever, continued  in  a  turmoil.  There  were  pronouncements  and 
battles.  Among  these  was  a  battle  between  the  Ciudadela  and 
the  Palace,  which  was  practically  repeated  in  the  spectacular 
events  of  1913  fresh  in  our  memory.  As  a  result  of  all  the  diffi- 
culties, Bustamante  again  withdrew  to  Europe.  The  Plan  of 
Tacubaya  was  launched,  a  junta  of  notables  was  named  by  the 
head  of  the  army — who  of  course  was  Santa  Anna — which,  in 
turn,  named  him  as  president.  A  new  constitution,  even  more 
centralizing  in  its  character  than  that  of  1836,  was  adopted  in 
June,  1843.  The  new  Congress,  installed  in  accordance  with 
it,  on  January  1,  1844,  confirmed  Santa  Anna  in  the  presidency. 


182  SANTA  ANNA 

IN  FULL  CONTROL 

He  had  now  practically  achieved  his  aim,  and  was  in  full 
charge.  Noll  says:  "The  state  he  observed  as  President  was 
altogether  inconsistent  with  the  republican  institutions  he  prom- 
ised to  observe.  He  rode  abroad  from  the  National  Palace  in  a 
coach  richly  decked  with  crimson  velvet  and  gold,  drawn  by  four 
white  horses,  accompanied  by  a  troop  of  gaily  caparisoned  hus- 
sars and  with  six  mounted  aides-de-camp  at  the  sides.  He  wore 
the  rich  gold-embroidered  dress  of  a  General  of  Division.  A 
number  of  decorations  were  about  his  neck,  and  medal  of  great 
brilliancy  upon  his  breast/'  But  a  storm  was  rising,  and  he 
retired  to  Mango  de  Clava. 

The  rising  against  him  was  actually  serious.  The  leaders  of 
the  insurrection  demanded  that  the  constitution  should  be  recog- 
nized. Uprisings  took  place  everywhere  throughout  the  coun- 
try. Santa  Anna  hastened  to  the  capital  city  and  tried  to  stay 
the  movement.  He  was  unquestionably  the  constitutional  presi- 
dent of  the  republic,  but  by  his  own  constitution  he  could  not 
be  in  charge  of  troops.  He  took  troops,  however,  and  went  into 
the  field.  The  minister  of  war,  directed  by  congress,  ordered 
him  to  give  up  the  command  of  military  forces.  Santa  Anna 
paid  no  attention  to  the  demand,  with  the  result  that  congress, 
in  December,  declared  that  it  no  longer  recognized  his  authority 
as  president,  nullified  his  acts,  and  called  upon  the  forces  under 
his  command  to  submit  at  once  to  the  authority  of  the  govern- 
ment. After  some  show  of  resistance,  Santa  Anna  finally 
retreated  to  Jalapa.  His  troops  surrendered.  He  himself  was 
captured  and  confined  in  the  prison  of  Perote.  He  was  im- 
peached by  congress  for  high  treason  "in  attempt  to  subvert 
the  constitution  and  to  elevate  himself  to  the  supreme  authority 
of  Mexico  as  Emperor ;  for  violating  the  constitution  by  an  arbi- 
trary exercise  of  former;  for  malfeasance  not  conferred  upon 
him  in  office  in  applying  funds  of  the  government  to  his  own 
use ;  and  in  sending  out  of  the  country  on  his  individual  account 
several  millions  of  public  money;  for  violating  the  usages  of 


SANTA  ANNA  183 

war  at  Puebla ;  for  robbing  the  mint  at  Guanajuato ;  for  pillag- 
ing cities  and  appropriating  public  and  private  property  to  his 
own  use;  and  for  refusing  to  deliver  up  the  command  of  the 
army,  when  ordered  by  the  gvernment  to  do  so. ' ' 

In  the  nature  of  things,  the  political  adventurer  should  have 
been  executed.  In  May,  however,  a  general  amnesty  was  offered 
to  all  who  had  been  opposing  the  government,  but  it  was  stipu- 
lated that  Santa  Anna  must  leave  the  country  of  Mexico  for- 
ever ;  the  city  went  wild  with  delight  at  his  final  overthrow.  He 
who  had  been  in  supreme  control  left  his  native  land  humiliated 
and  disgraced,  breathing  out  threats  and  rage. 

IN  THE  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 

But  not  long  after  this,  there  came  on  the  war  with  the  United 
States.  In  that  hour  of  crisis  Santa  Anna  was  recalled  to  Mex- 
ico to  take  charge  of  the  government  forces.  There  was  no 
question  that  in  that  period  he  again  betrayed  his  country.  The 
details  belong  in  another  chapter.  He  gained  no  great  victories 
during  the  progress  of  that  struggle,  and  at  its  close  he  again 
left  the  country. 

SERENE   HIGHNESS 

Several  years  of  confusion  ensued  in  the  national  history. 
In  1853  General  Lombardini  secured  the  election  of  Santa  Anna 
again  to  office  by  the  states.  On  April  1,  1853,  the  political 
adventurer  returned  to  Mexico  in  glory.  His  journey,  as  Noll 
says,  "was  in  the  nature  of  a  triumphal  procession  from  the 
coast  to  the  capital.  Banners  and  bells,  cannons  and  triumphal 
arches  and  flowers,  were  all  called  into  requisition  in  welcoming 
the  man  who  had  repeatedly  threatened  Mexico's  destruction, 
and  who  had  never  yet  answered  the  charges  of  robbery  and 
treason  brought  against  him;  who  had  been  engaged  in  secret 
negotiations  with  the  United  States  Government,  through  which 
the  issue  of  the  war  between  that  nation  and  Mexico  had  been 
disastrous  to  the  latter  country;  who  had  intrigued  with  Euro- 
pean powers  for  the  institution  of  monarchy  in  his  native  land ; 


184  SANTA  ANNA 

and  whom  the  Mexican  people  had  more  than  once  declared 
worthy  of  death,  and  had  not  suffered  to  remain  in  their  land. ' ' 
With  his  return,  Mexico  achieved  the  extreme  of  centralization. 
Santa  Anna  assumed  the  title  of  "Serene  Highness."  On 
December  11,  he  was  made  perpetual  dictator.  He  revived  the 
Order  of  Guadalupe,  with  its  decoration,  first  established  by  Itur- 
bide.  He  lived,  as  before,  in  almost  royal  splendor.  He  nego- 
tiated with  the  United  States  a  sale  of  land  known  by  us  as  the 
Gadsden  Purchase,  for  ten  million  dollars,  the  greater  part  of 
which  unquestionably  went  into  his  own  pockets. 

PLAN  OF  AYOTLA 

It  would  seem  as  if  ideals  of  liberty  had  totally  disappeared 
from  Mexico.  The  reactionary  forces  were  in  complete  control. 
But  in  the  south  there  was  an  Indian  of  pure  blood,  named  Juan 
Alvarez.  He  had  served  under  the  patriot  Morelos  and  had  im- 
bibed his  ideals.  He  had  been  Governor  of  Guerrero  and  looked 
with  hostility  upon  the  abrogation  of  the  rights  of  states.  He 
was  an  insurrectionist,  and  in  connection  wilth  his  insurrection 
the  Plan  of  Ayotla  was  launched.  It  gained  the  aid  of  other 
leaders,  among  them  Ignacio  Comonfort.  These  leaders  repre- 
sented a  cause  whiten  was  far  from  dead.  They  won  victories. 
Santa  Anna,  perpetual  dictator,  in  vain  tried  to  stay  the  move- 
ment. He  was  forced  to  leave  the  city  on  August  9,  1855.  On 
his  way  to  the  coast,  he  issued  his  last  manifesto  to  the  Mexi- 
can people.  It  was  like  so  many  others  of  his  grand,  eloquent, 
and  bombastic  utterances.  It  was  the  last  time  that  he  seriously 
figured  in  Mexican  politics. 

Thus  ended  the  real  public  career  of  this  much  vaunted  man. 
He  represented  a  great  class  of  Mexican  politicians  who  have 
cursed  the  country  from  1810  up  to  the  present  hour.  Without 
principles  himself,  he  espoused  any  principles  which  for  the 
moment,  seemed  to  promise  him  advancement  and  personal 
power.  Mexico's  greatest  misfortune  is  that  such  leaders  may 
invariably  find  followers. 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 

SECESSION  OF  TEXAS ANNEXATION  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES WAR 

BEGUN  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES COURSE  OF  THE  WAE SANTA 

ANNA'S  PART — NATURE  OF  THE  WAR — RESULTS  OF  THE  WAR. 

IN  1821,  the  American  colonization  of  the  State  of  Texas  in 
the  Mexican  Republic  began;  in  1828,  Stephen  Austin  and 
three  hundred  families  settled  within  its  area.  It  was  no 
doubt  largely  due  to  the  infiltration  of  a  new  stock  into  Texas 
that  that  state  felt  more  keenly  than  some  others  the  abrogation 
of  the  rights  of  states  by  the  centralist  constitution  of  1834.  At 
that  time  Texas  remonstrated;  it  was  outraged  over  aggres- 
sions upon  the  rights  of  states ;  it  was  angered  that  the  Seven 
Laws  had  been  adopted  without  its  consent ;  its  representatives, 
sent  to  Mexico  to  express  its  sentiment,  were  unheard  and 
thrown  into  prison. 

SECESSION   OF   TEXAS 

In  1836,  then,  Texas  issued  a  manifesto  in  which  it  declared 
itself  independent  unless  its  rights,  guaranteed  by  the  consti- 
tution of  1824,  should  be  restored.  It  invited  other  states  to 
rise  in  defense  of  the  doctrine  of  state  rights. 

The  result  of  the  secession  of  Texas  was  war.  Santa  Anna, 
with  eight  thousand  soldiers,  proceeded  to  the  seat  of  difficulty, 
won  the  battle  of  San  Antonio  and  stained  his  hands  with  the 
blood  of  the  garrison  of  the  Alamo.  At  San  Jacinto  he  was 
defeated  by  General  Houston,  and  forced  to  sign  the  treaty 
whereby  the  Mexican  force  was  withdrawn  from  Texas, 
independence  was  recognized,  and  the  return  of  Santa 
Anna  was  to  be  by  way  of  the  United  States.  As  we  have  already 
stated,  it  was  three  years  before  the  fallen  leader  really  returned 
to  Mexico.  He  repudiated  the  treaty  which  he  had  signed, 
and  planned  an  expedition  to  recapture  the  seceded  state,  then 
the  independent  Texas  Republic.  His  plans  necessitated  an 
expenditure  beyond  the  ability  of  the  nation  at  the  time.  They 

185 


186  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 

never  materialized,  and  the  State  of  Texas  continued  to  exer- 
cise independence  for  a  period  of  something  like  nine  years. 

ANNEXATION  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES 

At  the  end  of  that  time,  Texas  asked  admission  to  the  United 
States.  Its  annexation  was  opposed  by  a  considerable  party  in 
our  own  country — naturally  it  was  opposed  by  almost  every  one 
in  Mexico.  With  annexation  all  possibility  of  its  recapture  dis- 
appeared. More  than  that,  a  vexing  question  which  had  been  in 
dispute  between  Mexico  and  Texas  was  transferred  to  a  new 
and  stronger  power.  This  question  concerned  the  boundary  be- 
tween Mexico  and  Texas.  It  was  claimed  by  Mexico  that  the 
Eio  Nueces  was  that  boundary;  Texas  contended  that  the  Rio 
Grande  must  be  the  limit.  By  the  contention  of  Texas,  Mexico 
would  lose  a  considerable  strip  of  territory.  As  long  as  Mexico 
had  only  Texas  to  deal  with,  she  had  some  reason  to  hope  for  a 
satisfactory  conclusion  of  this  disputed  boundary  question. 
With  annexation  all  such  hope  disappeared.  Feeling  over  the 
matter  of  annexation  was  so  high  that  Almonte,  minister  from 
Mexico  at  Washington,  demanded  his  passports.  President 
Herrera  declared  that  annexation  was  a  breach  of  international 
laws,  and  called  upon  the  Mexican  people  to  rally  to  the  national 
defense.  Troops  were  at  once  dispatched  toward  the  north  in 
expectation  that  war  would  ensue. 

The  man  in  charge  of  the  troops  was  General  Paredes. 
When  well  upon  his  way,  he  decided  to  pronounce  against  the 
Herrera  government.  He  returned  to  Mexico  with  his  troops. 
He  was  declared  President  by  a  junta  which  had  assumed 
power  on  the  fall  of  President  Herrera.  Paredes  was  a  man 
of  marked  monarchic  tendencies. 

WAR  BEGUN   BY   THE   UNITED   STATES 

Meantime,  war  was  indeed  a  reality.  It  was  precipitated  by 
the  Americans.  In  March,  1846,  Gen.  Zachary  Taylor  advanced 
toward  the  Mexican  border.  He  gained  two  battles,  Palo  Alto 
and  Eesaca  de  la  Palma,  within  the  area  that  was  in  dispute 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES  187 

between  Mexico  and  Texas.  This  perhaps  was  not,  technically 
speaking,  a  war  against  Mexico.  But  Zachary  Taylor  did  not 
pause  within  the  disputed  territory.  He  crossed  the  Rio  Grande, 
thus  leading  an  army  of  invasion  into  Mexico,  and  gained 
victories  at  Matamoras  and  Monterey. 

COURSE  OF   THE   WAE 

The  war  with  Mexico  was  easy.  It  was  an  almost  undis- 
puted march  of  the  American  troops.  The  chief  reason  for  its 
being  thus  easy  was  the  existence  of  bitter  internal  feuds  be- 
tween the  Mexicans.  After  having  gained  power,  Paredes  took 
the  field  with  forces,  leaving  Bravo  behind  in  charge  of  the 
government.  There  was  soon  a  pronouncement  in  the  ciuda- 
dela.  As  the  result,  Mariana  Salas  was  made  president.  He 
called  Santa  Anna  to  take  charge  of  forces.  Santa  Anna  landed 
at  Vera  Cruz  the  sixteenth  day  of  August,  1846,  and  sent  Al- 
monte up  to  the  capital  city  to  feel  the  popular  sentiment,  hav- 
ing some  fear,  lest  he  might  be  entrapped.  While  awaiting  a 
report,  he  issued  one  of  his  notable  manifestoes,  in  which  he 
excused  all  his  past  bad  conduct  and  inconsistency,  and  attacked 
every  one  who  had  opposed  him.  Salas,  as  president,  issued  an 
edict  agreeing  in  detail  with  the  manifesto  of  Santa  Anna,  and 
the  leader  made  his  way  to  Mexico  where  he  was  received  with 
patriotic  joy.  Congress  proceeded  to  elect  him  President,  with 
Gomez  Farias  as  Vice-President.  Santa  Anna  himself  advanced 
to  San  Luis  Potosi  with  a  small  army. 

SANTA  ANNA'S  PART 

Gomez  Farias,  left  in  charge  at  Mexico,  faced  serious  difficul- 
ties. He  tried  to  raise  a  forced  loan  from  the  Church,  but  met 
with  resistance.  There  was  at  this  time  a  considerable  body  of 
conservatives  who  were  known  as  "Polkos"  because  they  openly 
favored  the  American  attack  upon  Mexico 's  independence.  Fi- 
nally, Gomez  Farias  succeeded  in  forcing  his  loan  act  through 
congress.  Just  at  this  moment  Santa  Anna,  defeated  in  the  bat- 
tle of  Buena  Vista,  returned  to  Mexico.  He  unseated  Gomez 


188 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 


SAN 


MEXICO'S   LAXD   LOSSES    TO    THE    UNITED    STATES: 
1    AND    3    BY    THE    WAR;    2    BY    THE    GODSLEN    PURCHASE 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES  189 

Farias,  annulled  his  acts,  and  encouraged  the  appointment  of 
Anaya  as  acting  President. 

Again  in  charge  of  forces,  he  was  again  defeated — this  time 
at  Cerro  Gordo.  He  returned  to  Mexico.  The  capital  city  was 
occupied  by  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  in  charge  of  the  American 
forces.  Santa  Anna  turned  the  army  over  to  General  Lombar- 
dini  and  left  the  country.  During  his  control  of  forces,  he 
gained  no  serious  battles.  It  is  quite  certain  that  he  acted  in 
coalition  with  the  Americans.  He  could  never  have  landed  in 
Vera  Cruz  without  an  understanding  with  the  enemy.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  describe  in  detail  the  engagements  of  the  war. 
President  Herrera,  in  charge  of  matters  at  the  beginning  of  dif- 
ficulties, with  the  turn  of  fortune,  was  again  in  power  at  the  end 
of  the  unfortunate  war.  It  was  almost  immediately  after  his 
restoration  to  power  that  the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe-Hidalgo  was 
signed,  June  6,  1848. 

NATURE  OF  THE  WAE 

It  was  really  a  war  without  honor  for  the  United  States.  It 
was  precipitated  by  us — forced  on  a  country  which,  in  a  certain 
sense,  we  had  assisted  in  robbing.  It  was  in  large  part  a  move- 
ment of  our  slave  interests.  In  it  we  took  advantage  of  the  dis- 
tracted condition  of  our  neighboring  republic.  During  the  little 
more  than  two  years  that  it  lasted,  there  were  thirteen  changes 
in  the  presidential  office  in  Mexico.  At  one  time  four  different 
factions  were  struggling  for  power.  From  a  military  point  of 
view,  the  war  was  no  achievement.  It  was  practically  a  walk- 
over— not  that  the  Mexicans  were  incapable  of  bravery,  for  there 
were  battles  where  splendid  heroism  was  shown  on  their  part, 
such  as  Churubusco,  Molino  del  Eey,  and  Chapultepec.  An  inci- 
dent quoted  by  Manuel  Payno  is  in  point.  After  the  battle  of 
Churubusco,  where  the  Mexicans  in  small  numbers  in  an  ancient 
convent  building  held  a  considerable  American  force  (five  or 
six  thousand  men)  at  bay  for  a  long  time,  General  Twiggs  en- 
tered the  convent  building;  he  inquired  from  the  Mexican  in 
charge,  General  Anaya,  where  the  ammunition  was.  The  reply 


190  WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES 

was,  "If  there  had  been  ammunition,  you  would  not  be  here." 
Add  to  all  these  difficulties  against  which  the  Mexicans  were 
struggling,  the  unquestionable  treachery  of  Santa  Anna,  and 
it  will  be  seen  how  little  credit  to  us  the  war  brought. 

RESULTS  OF  THE  WAR 

By  the  war  Mexico  lost  the  whole  of  California,  Arizona,  and 
New  Mexico — 522,955,000  square  miles  of  territory. 

Here  again  we  have  emphatically  illustrated  the  lack  of  unity 
among  the  Mexicans.  There  was  no  national  feeling.  In  the 
face  of  a  common  enemy,  the  petty  cliques  struggled  with  one 
another  for  power.  Division,  separation,  and  personal  politics 
were  at  the  bottom  of  their  troubles. 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

THE  POLICIES  OF  GOMEZ  FARIAS PROGRESSIVE  LAWS NEW  CONSTI- 
TUTION  THE  OPPOSITION BENITO  JUAREZ FLIGHT  OF  THE  LIB- 
ERAL GOVERNMENT EVENTS  AT  VERA  £RUZ AGAIN  IN  CONTROL 

EUROPEAN      INTERVENTION MAXIMILIAN  's      EMPIRE CHARACTER 

OF  JUAREZ A  SPECTACULAR  INCIDENT AFTER  THE  EMPIRE. 

EVEN  in  the  periods  of  greatest  centralization,  a  spirit  of 
real  democracy  remained.    While  Santa  Anna  was  plot- 
ting centralism,  Valentin  Gomez  Farias  was  practicing 
progressive  policies. 

THE  POLICIES  OF  GOMEZ  FARIAS 

It  is  worth  while  to  pause  a  moment  to  see  exactly  what 
he  desired  to  accomplish.  The  year  is  1834.  Noll  sums  up  his 
principles  as  follows:  "(1)  The  absolute  liberty  of  the  press; 
(2)  the  abolishment  of  special  class  privileges,  or  fueros,  as 
they  were  called,  whereby  the  clergy  and  the  army;  gained 
great  advantages  over  the  masses  of  the  people;  (3)  the  separa- 
tion of  church  and  state,  including  the  suppression  of  monastic 
institutions,  and  more  particularly  the  abrogation  of  the  right 
of  ecclesiastics  to  interfere  in  secular  affairs;  (4)  the  restora- 
tion and  maintenance  of  the  national  credit  by  a  readjustment 
of  the  public  debt;  (5)  the  improvement  of  the  moral  condition 
of  the  popular  classes,  more  particularly  instruction  in  colleges 
by  lay  officers  in  place  of,  or  at  least  in  addition  to,  the  priests 
who  had  heretofore  claimed  the  whole  right  to  teach,  and  whose 
curriculum  was  far  from  broad  or  edifying;  (6)  the  abolition 
of  punishment  for  political  offenses;  (7)  laws  encouraging  emi- 
gration and  colonization,  for  the  better  protection  of  territory', 
and  to  guarantee  the  integrity  of  the  national  territory. "  In 
fact,  within  this  program,  practically  every  important  liberal 
advance  achieved  in  Mexico  since  that  time  is  involved.  The 
development  of  these  progressive  policies  demanded  almost 
forty  years,  and  in  the  development  three  names  stand  forth 

191 


192 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 


IGNACIO  COMONFORT. 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 


193 


BENITO  JUABEZ. 


194  THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

• 

conspicuously — Valentin    Gomez    Farias,    Ignacio    Comonfort, 
Benito  Juarez. 

PROGRESSIVE  LAWS 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  Plan  of  Ayotla.  It  suc- 
ceeded. Juan  Alvarez  was  named  provisional  president  by  a 
junta  of  three  members.  When  he  entered  Mexico,  he  was 
escorted  by  a  bodyguard  of  Indians.  In  the  cabinet  which  he 
organized,  Comonfort  held  the  portfolio  of  war,  Juarez  that  of 
justice.  The  liberal  tendencies  of  the  new  government  were 
promptly  shown  by  the  suggestion  of  the  Ley  Juarez.  This  law, 
named  from  its  author,  suppressed  all  special  courts,  thus  re- 
moving civil  cases  from  the  jurisdiction  of  military  and  ecclesi- 
astical tribunals.  It  was  a  notable  advance.  The  Indian  presi- 
dent, Juan  Alvarez,  soon  resigned  the  position  in  favor  of 
Comonfort,  who,  for  a  time,  pursued  an  equally  liberal  policy. 
On  June  25,  1856,  congress  passed  a  law  known  as  the  Ley 
Lerdo.  It  was  the  joint  production  of  Juarez,  Ocampo,  and 
Miguel  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  who  was  secretary  of  the  treasury 
under  the  new  president.  The  law  was  an  exceedingly  bold  one. 
It  removed  from  all  corporations,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  the 
right  to  own  lands  beyond  what  was  necessary  for  the  transac- 
tion of  their  legitimate  business.  It  gave  to  all  persons  who  had 
leased  property  from  the  Church  the  right  to  purchase  the  same 
at  a  price  to  be  assessed  by  commissioners  appointed  for  the 
purpose.  It  permitted  the  denunciation  of  improved  untenanted 
property  of  the  church  by  any  citizen.  It*  provided  for  the  sale 
of  all  the  unimproved  land  of  the  Church  at  an  assessed  valua- 
tion. The  proceeds  from  all  these  transactions  were  to  go  to 
the  Church.  The  land,  however,  would  thus  be  freed  from  ecclesi- 
astical control  and  no  longer  exempt  from  taxation.  It  was  to 
be  expected  that  the  clerical  leaders  would  make  vigorous  efforts 
to  prevent  the  passage  and  application  of  this  law.  The  reac- 
tionary movement  in  Puebla,  led  by  the  clericals,  was  particu- 
larly virulent.  It  was  suppressed,  and  sufficient  Church  prop- 
erty was  taken  over  by  the  government  to  pay  the  expenses  of 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN  195 

the  suppression  and  an  indemnity  to  the  government  for  all  the 
damage  caused.  In  September,  1856,  the  president  ordered  the 
seizure  of  the  great  property  of  the  San  Francisco  Order — one 
of  the  most  valuable  in  Mexico.  It  was  taken  over  on  account 
of  the  hostility  of  the  order  to  the  new  laws. 

At  first  the  act  involved  the  suppression  of  the  order  itself; 
this  suppression,  however,  was  rescinded,  but  the  confiscation 
continued  and  a  street,  now  known  as  Independencia,  was  cut 
through  the  property.  The  constitution  was  finally  passed  and 
sent  to  the  president  for  signature. 

NEW    CONSTITUTION 

It  was  indeed  a  liberal  constitution.  Eecognizing  the  rights 
of  a  man  as  fundamental,  it  declared  that  the  people,  and  the 
people  only,  had  a  right  to  alter  forms  of  government.  The 
sovereignty  of  the  states  was  asserted,  and  the  national  govern- 
ment was  a  voluntary  federation  of  such.  Corporations  might 
hold  property  only  to  the  extent  necessary  to  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  immediate  and  direct  object  of  their  institution. 
Slavery  was  abolished,  education  was  to  be  free,  and  every  per- 
son was  at  liberty  to  follow  such  occupation  as  best  suited  him. 
Freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  was  guaranteed.  The  right 
of  petition,  of  peaceful  assembly,  and  of  carrying  arms  was 
granted.  Special  tribunals — religious  and  military — were  abol- 
ished, and  only  the  properly  constituted  national  courts  permit- 
ted. Religious  toleration  was  established.  This  constitution 
was,  in  fact,  so  liberal  that  the  president  was  hesitant  in  affix- 
ing his  signature  to  it.  Liberal  as  he  undoubtedly  was,  he  began 
to  feel  the  mighty  pressure  of  the  conservatives  against  him  and 
his  policies.  Finally,  however,  he  signed  the  constitution,  on 
February  5, 1857. 

THE  OPPOSITION 

The  storm  of  opposition  promptly  broke.  General  Zuloaga 
protested,  declaring  the  constitution  null  and  void.  Behind  him 
the  clericals  and  other  reactionary  and  conservative  elements 


196 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 


MELCHOB   OCAMPO. 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 


197 


ZAEAGOZA, 


198  THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

loomed  up — conspicuous  among  them  Miguel  Miramon,  Tomas 
Mejia,  and  Antonio  Pelagio  de  Labastida,  as  leaders  whose 
names  came  to  be  famous.  Miramon  was  a  military  leader,  born 
in  Mexico  notwithstanding  his  French  name,  and  had  made  a 
reputation  in  the  late  war  with  the  United  States.  He  had  been 
conspicuous  in  the  battles  of  Molino  del  Key  and  Chapultepec. 
He  had  been  engaged  on  the  side  of  the  conservatives  in  the 
disturbances  in  Puebla,  in  1856.  He  was  young  and  a  brave 
soldier.  Tomas  Mejia  was  a  full-blood  Mexican  Indian.  He  too 
had  made  a  name  in  military  affairs.  As  for  Labastida,  he  first 
came  into  prominence  when  Bishop  of  Michoacan.  He  was  now 
Archbishop  of  Mexico  and  was  destined  to  play  an  important 
part  in  the  coming  struggles.  So  pronounced  was  the  opposition 
and  so  vigorous  its  efforts  that  there  was  battling  on  the  streets 
of  Mexico  and  much  bloodshed.  The  president's  cabinet  re- 
signed. Comonfort  appointed  Benito  Juarez  minister  of  gober- 
nacion  in  the  new  cabinet.  Notwithstanding  the  opposition  and 
the  threatening  condition  of  affairs,  the  constitution  was  put 
into  operation.  Immediately  afterwards,  an  election  was  held 
in  which  the  opposing  candidates  were  Ignacio  Comonfort  and 
Miguel  Lerdo  de  Mejia.  Comonfort  was  elected,  and  at  the 
same  time,  Benito  Juarez  became  president  of  the  supreme 
court,  a  matter  of  importance  inasmuch  as  he  would  become 
the  president  of  the  republic  in  case  of  the  death  or  the  removal 
of  the  elected  president.  Only  ten  days  later  President  Comon- 
fort weakened  and  gave  way  completely  to  the  clerical  party. 
He  set  aside  the  constitution  and  threw  Benito  Juarez  into 
prison.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  unwise  than  this  sur- 
render. It  soon  became  evident  that  the  liberal  party  was  as 
able  to  express  dissatisfaction  and  to  threaten  trouble  as  the 
conservatives.  Distracted,  uncertain  in  his  policy,  and  terrified 
by  the  clamor  about  him,  Comonfort  again  reversed  his  action — 
restoring  the  constitution  and  setting  Juarez  free.  Naturally 
Zuloaga  pronounced.  Comonfort  resigned  January  21,  1858. 
By  his  resignation  the  capital  city  was  left  entirely  at  the  mercy 
of  the  reactionaries. 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN  199 

BENITO  JUAREZ 

The  liberal  deputies  escaped  to  Queretaro,  where  they  rec- 
ognized Juarez  as  constitutional  president,  installing  him  in  the 
position  January  10,  1858.  It  is  time  to  make  a  brief  statement 
regarding  this  important  man.  Benito  Juarez  was  born  in  the 
Indian  town  of  San  Pablo  Guelatao,  in  the  State  of  Oaxaco,  on 
March  21,  1806.  He  was  a  full-blood  Zapotec.  Brought  up  in 
his  little  village,  he  know  only  the  Zapotec  language  until  the 
age  of  twelve  years.  His  sister  had  already  gone  to  the  city  of 
Oaxaca,  where  she  was  employed  in  domestic  service.  When 
twelve  years  old,  Benito  followed,  and  in  the  capital  city  of  the 
state,  found  a  home  and  employment  with  a  Franciscan  lay- 
brother  ;  this  man  was  a  book-binder,  and  with  him  the  boy  found 
work,  and  from  him  received  his  elementary  education.  He 
entered  the  Seminary  in  October,  1821.  This  was  of  course  a 
critical  time  in  the  history  of  the  republic ;  the  long  struggle  for 
independence  had  ended,  and  the  establishment  of  the  new  nation 
was  in  progress.  The  Seminary  was  an  ecclesiastical  institution, 
and  it  was  supposed  that  the  boy  would  enter  the  clerical  pro- 
fession. In  1828,  however,  the  Institute  of  Arts  and  Sciences 
was  founded  in  Oaxaca,  and  Benito  Juarez  entered  that  school, 
where  he  studied  law  and  from  which  he  graduated  in  1832. 

Juarez  was  in  politics  in  1831,  when  he  held  the  position  of 
regidor;  soon  afterwards,  he  was  a  member  of  the  state  legis- 
lature, and  when  the  state  took  a  stand  against  the  centralizing 
constitution  in  1836,  he  was  thrown  into  jail ;  later  he  became  a 
local  judge,  and  then,  secretary  of  the  governor ;  in  1846  he  was 
one  of  the  junta  of  three  members  in  charge  of  the  state  gov- 
ernment. Through  all  these  years,  he  was  a  practicing  lawyer, 
and  it  is  an  interesting  fact  that  Porfirio  Diaz  studied  under  his 
instruction.  Up  to  this  time,  his  political  life  had  been  confined 
to  state  offices.  In  1846,  he  was  elected  deputy  from  his  state  to 
the  national  congress.  He  was  Governor  of  Oaxaca  for  five 
years.  When  Santa  Anna  came  to  dictatorial  power,  in  1853,  he 
was  imprisoned — at  Puebla,  Jalapa,  and  San  Juan  de  Ulua — 


200  THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

and  exiled.  During  his  exile,  he  went  to  New  Orleans,  where 
he  was  living  in  1855.  When  the  Plan  of  Ayotla  was  pronounced, 
he  hurried  to  Acapulco,  going  by  way  of  the  Gulf  and  Panama. 
He  united  himself  to  Alvarez  and  Comonfort. 

FLIGHT  OF  THE  LIBERAL  GOVERNMENT 

Juarez  set  up  a  constitutional  government  in  Guanajuato. 
He  issued  a  proclamation  as  constitutional  president.  The  con- 
servative forces,  however,  were  gaining  advantages  everywhere. 
In  battles  fought  at  Celaya  and  Salamanca,  the  constitutional 
forces  were  beaten.  Juarez  and  his  government  were  forced 
to  withdraw  to  Guadalajara.  Here  a  truly  spectacular  incident 
took  place.  An  uprising  occurred  among  the  soldiers,  and  they 
seized  the  palace  in  which  were  the  president  and  his  advisers ; 
all  were  taken  prisoners  and  were  on  the  point  of  being  immedi- 
ately executed  when,  in  this  moment  of  supreme  danger,  the  con- 
stitutionalist cause  was  presented  in  simple  terms  to  the  muti- 
nous soldiers,  who  were  gained  over,  and  the  lives  of  the  presi- 
dent and  his  helpers  saved.  Juarez  and  his  advisers  now  with- 
drew to  Colima  and  then  to  Manzanillo  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Fi- 
nally, with  his  cabinet,  he  left  the  country  by  steamer,  going  to 
Panama,  Havana,  New  Orleans,  and  Vera  Cruz.  This  fact  has 
been  much  made  of  by  those  hostile  to  the  Indian  president.  It 
is  claimed  that,  by  leaving  the  national  soil,  he  ceased  to  have 
legal  status,  and  lost  whatever  constitutional  rights  were  his. 

EVENTS  AT  VERA  CRUZ 

However  that  may  be,  on  the  fourth  of  May,  1858,  he  estab- 
lished his  government  in  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  shortly 
afterwards  was  recognized  by  the  United  States  as  being  the 
constitutional  ruler  of  the  republic.  This  recognition  was  a 
great  advantage  for  the  Indian  president.  There  was  still, 
however,  much  trouble  in  store  from  the  conservative  forces.  In 
the  many  battles  which  were  fought,  victory  was  generally  with 
the  reactionaries.  General  Miramon  even  invested  the  city  of 
Vera  Cruz,  but  failed  to  seize  it.  Against  the  efforts  made  in 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN  201 

favor  of  the  constitutional  government  in  the  capital  city,  Mira- 
mon  and  the  cruel  Leandro  Marquez  held  the  power  securely.  In 
1860,  Miramon  again  tried  to  seize  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  and  to 
destroy  the  constitutional  government.  Negotiations  were 
entered  into  and  foreign  influence — both  of  the  United  States 
and  European  countries — was  brought  to  bear.  The  negotia- 
tions failed,  and  Miramon  bombarded  the  city.  He  withdrew, 
however,  without  succeeding  in  capturing  it.  With  his  cause  at 
lowest  ebb,  President  Juarez  took  desperate  measures.  He  is- 
sued decrees  of  a  more  drastic  and  far-reaching  character  than 
any  before  promulgated.  He  declared  all  church  property 
nationalized  and  sequestrated ;  he  demanded  that  marriage  be  by 
a  civil  ceremony,  not  by  a  priest ;  he  pronounced  religious  tolera 
tion ;  he  secularized  the  cemeteries.  These  acts,  going  far  beyond 
the  principles  contained  in  the  constitution,  could  only  weaken 
the  power  of  the  Church,  and  indirectly  aid  his  cause.  All  of 
them  were  included  in  the  Laws  of  the  Eeform.  With  the  pro- 
mulgation of  these  edicts,  new  force  was  given  to  the  constitu- 
tionalist cause.  A  battle  at  Guanajuato  resulted  favorably  to  the 
liberal  forces,  and  the  city  was  taken.  Encouraged  by  this  suc- 
cess, a  movement  was  made  upon  the  capital,  which  was  invested. 
After  a  few  days '  battle,  the  Juarists  gained  and  were  in  power. 
Thus  ended  what  was  known  as  The  War  of  the  Eeform. 

AGAIN  IN  CONTEOL 

Fully  seated  in  power,  Juarez  put  his  recent  decrees  into  full 
effect  and  ordered  an  election.  Its  result  was  to  make  him  con- 
stitutional president  and  Gen.  Jesus  Gonzales  Ortega  vice-presi- 
dent. There  followed  a  period  of  gradual  establishment  of  the 
liberal  power.  Difficulties  arose,  and  Juarez  found  himself  in 
conflict  with  his  congress.  His  resignation  was  demanded; 
when  a  vote  was  taken,  fifty-one  members  of  congress  demanded 
his  withdrawal,  while  fifty-two  sustained  him.  On  account  of  the 
pressing  need  of  funds  for  government  purposes,  in  July,  1861, 
Juarez  announced  suspension  of  payment  on  foreign  debts  for 
two  years. 


202  THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

EUROPEAN  INTERVENTION 

This  gave  ground  for  foreign  interference.  England  and 
France  broke  off  relations  in  October,  1861.  Soon  after,  the 
Treaty  of  London  was  drawn  up,  an  agreement  between  three 
nations  in  regard  to  Mexico's  debts.  England,  Franco,  and 
Spain  united  in  a  joint  effort.  It  was  agreed  that  forces  of  the 
three  nations  should  occupy  certain  territory  along  the  east- 
ern coast  of  the  republic,  and  administer  the  customs-houses  in 
favor  of  the  creditors.  No  permanent  occupancy  was  to  result 
and  when  the  financial  obligations  of  the  country  had  been  met, 
it  was  understood  that  the  intervening  powers  should  withdraw. 
Before  this  threatened  invasion  of  the  national  soil,  Juarez 
issued  the  famous  decree  of  January  25,  1862.  It  declared  that 
all  men  between  the  ages,  of  sixteen  and  sixty  who  refused  to 
take  up  arms  in  the  defense  of  the  country,  should  be  regarded 
as  traitors ;  it  established  court  martial  in  place  of  the  ordinary 
tribunals;  it  authorized  governors  and  magistrates  to  dispose 
of  the  persons  or  properties  of  disloyal  persons  within  their 
jurisdiction ;  it  declared  armed  invasion  of  the  country  by  Mexi- 
cans or  foreigners  without  previous  declaration  of  war  a  crime 
against  the  independence  of  Mexico,  punishable  by  death ;  it  de- 
clared any  invitation  offered  by  Mexico  or  foreign  residents  of 
Mexico  for  such  invasion  a  similar  crime.  Such  is  the  sum- 
ming up  of  this  decree  as  given  by  Noll.  The  details  of  this  inter- 
vention appear  elsewhere. 

MAXIMILIAN'S  EMPIRE 

Here,  where  we  are  only  sketching  the  life  of  the  little  Indian, 
it  is  enough  to  say  that,  with  French  intervention,  the  liberal 
forces  scattered.  Some,  with  the  Government  retreated  north- 
ward ;  others,  under  Porfirio  Diaz,  operated  in  the  south.  The 
government  was  set  up  at  first  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  then  retreated 
to  Saltillo,  Monterey,  Chihuahua,  Paso  del  Norte.  At  one  time 
Juarez  had  but  twenty-two  faithful  adherents  about  him.  Con- 
spicuous among  them,  both  for  the  influence  which  he  had  with 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN  203 

the  constitutional  president,  and  for  his  unquestioned  ability  was 
Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  He  was  brother  of  the  Miguel 
Lerdo  de  Tejada  who  figured  conspicuously  in  the  cabinet  of 
Comonf  ort.  Of  course  this  northward  flight  of  the  president  and 
his  advisers  corresponded  step  by  step  with  the  success  of  the 
French  invasion,  and  the  establishment  and  development  of  the 
empire  under  Maximilian.  When  Juarez  was  at  El  Paso  del 
Norte,  Maximilian's  power  was  at  its  height.  In  comparison 
with  the  splendor  of  the  imperial  capital,  El  Paso  del  Norte  was 
mean  indeed.  In  1865  the  actual  period  of  Juarez '  term  of  office 
came  to  an  end.  It  would  seem  as  if  no  one  could  wish  for  the 
empty  title  of  President  of  Mexico.  General  Ortega,  however, 
who  had  been  useful  in  the  liberal  contest,  laid  claim  to  the 
presidency  on  account  of  the  fact  that  he  had  been  elected  presi- 
dent of  the  supreme  court.  He  announced  himself,  therefore, 
constitutional  president.  President  Juarez,  however,  refused  to 
recognize  him,  declaring  that  events  themselves  forced  him  to 
continue  in  power  until  a  legal  election  might  be  held. 

CHARACTER  OF  JUAREZ 

Noll,  whose  treatment  of  this  period  we  have  closely  followed, 
says  of  Juarez  that  he  was  t '  simple  in  his  tastes,  not  personally 
ambitious,  depreciated  pomp  or  display,  gave  his  life  to  the  effort 
to  set  law  above  force  in  Mexico,  and  served  his  country  in  hon- 
orable poverty  in  the  Chief  Magistracy  for  thirteen  years,  the 
greater  part  of  the  time  an  exile  from  his  capital. ' '  The  empire 
fell ;  Juarez  came  back  from  the  north.  When  again  the  capital 
city  was  occupied  by  constitutional  forces,  elections  were  ordered. 
They  took  place  in  August,  1867,  and  three  candidates  appeared 
for  the  presidency — Benito  Juarez,  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
and  Porfirio  Diaz.  Juarez  was  elected. 

A  SPECTACULAR  INCIDENT 

But  at  this  critical  moment  the  irrepressible  and  spectacu- 
lar Santa  Anna  reappeared  for  a  moment  on  the  scene.  It  was 
the  month  of  June.  We  quote  the  incident  from  William  But- 


204  THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

ler :  i  *  The  surrender  of  Vera  Cruz  to  the  republican  army  under 
General  Benavides  had  already  been  arranged  for,  and  in  a  few 
days  more  the  Mexican  flag  would  have  floated  unchallenged 
over  the  capital. 

"Warships  of  England,  France,  Austria,  and  the  United 
States  were  at  anchor  in  the  harbor,  waiting  to  witness  the  close 
of  the  requisite  negotiations  when,  unexpectedly,  on  the  third  of 
June,  the  mail  steamer,  Virginia,  hove  in  sight,  having  on  board 
Gen.  Santa  Anna,  with  a  staff  of  five  officers,  a  supply  of  ammu- 
nition of  war,  and  a  stock  of  proclamations  for  his  purpose. 
Utter  consternation  was  the  result.  Knowing  the  man,  they 
could  anticipate  nothing  from  his  advent  at  such  an  hour  but  con- 
fusion and  destruction.  The  imperialist  General  Gomez  was  in 
command  of  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  which  dominates  the 
city  and  harbor.  He  had  formerly  been  a  friend  and  adherent  of 
Santa  Anna ;  he  promptly  invited  him  to  land  and  remain  there 
till  arrangements  could  be  made  for  a  grand  reception  in  the 
city.  Within  an  hour  after,  the  band  in  the  fort  was  playing 
marches  of  welcome  and  the  garrison  shouting,  "Viva  el  Gen- 
eral Santa  Anna !  '  '  The  foreign  soldiers  on  the  shore  responded, 
and  all  saw  that  he  had  but  to  land,  and  a  hostile  force  which 
he  so  well  knew  how  to  attract  and  increase,  would  be  around 
him,  and  all  other  authority  at  an  end.  Fortunately,  before 
he  landed,  he  invited  a  conference  of  officials  on  board  the  Vir- 
ginia, and  there  announced  his  purpose,  *  To  set  up  a  republic  in 
place  of  the  tottering  empire,  and  with  the  assurance  that  he 
came  under  American  protection,  after  interviews  with  Presi- 
dent Johnson  and  Mr.  Seward,  and  with  their  solicitation, 
Maximilian  having  offered  to  deliver  up  the  Government  of  the 
country  to  him.'  These  outrageous  falsehoods  opened  the  eyes 
of  all  present.  He  had  overreached  himself  in  asserting  that 
the  American  Government  sustained  him.  A  council  of  war  was 
called  that  night  at  the  city  hall  by  the  national  and  military 
officers,  with  the  consuls  stationed  at  Vera  Cruz.  The  conclu- 
sion was  practically  unanimous,  that  Santa  Anna  should  not  be 
allowed  to  land  and  attempt  to  spoil  all  that  had  been  accom- 


THE  LITTLE  INDIAN  205 

plished.  Captain  Eoe,  of  the  United  States  war  steamer, 
Tacony,  was  requested  by  the  entire  company  to  take  charge  of 
the  matter  and  see  that  he  was  sent  off  again  in  the  ship  that 
brought  him.  This  he  did  in  thorough  style  next  morning,  to 
Santa  Anna's  amazement  and  indignation.  He  escorted  the 
Virginia  for  the  first  twenty  miles,  and  parted  from  her  with 
injunctions  to  her  captain  not  to  land  the  old  general  anywhere 
in  Mexico.  At  Sisal,  Santa  Anna  sent  a  letter,  enclosing  one  of 
his  proclamations,  to  the  Governor  of  Yucatan,  with  the  re- 
quest to  give  it  publicity.  The  governor  was  aroused  to  the 
danger  involved,  and  as  soon  as  Santa  Anna  landed,  he  arrested 
him,  sending  him  off,  for  greater  security,  to  the  State  of  Cam- 
pece  to  await  the  action  of  President  Juarez.  Our  own  govern- 
ment, under  the  circumstances,  approved  the  action  of  Captain 
Eoe. 

Afterwards  Santa  Anna  was  tried  (for  the  fourth  time)  for 
treason  and  sentenced  to  death.  This  was  commuted  by  Presi- 
dent Juarez  to  banishment  for  eight  years ;  but  under  the  gen- 
eral amnesty  of  1871,  he  was  permitted  to  return,  and  passed 
the  remaining  five  years  of  his  life  in  obscurity  in  the  City  of 
Mexico." 

AFTER    THE   EMPIRE 

After  serving  out  his  term  of  office,  in  1871,  against  the 
advice  of  his  friends,  Benito  Juarez  was  again  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  Against  him  were  the  same  two  rival  candidates 
as  four  years  before — Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  and  Porfirio 
Diaz.  Juarez  was  elected  by  a  small  margin.  Diaz  pronounced 
and  prepared  to  make  armed  resistance.  Juarez  had,  however, 
served  but  a  few  months  of  his  new  term  when  stricken  by  ill- 
ness. On  July  17  he  was  attacked  by  a  heart  disease  and  on 
the  next  day  died. 

It  is  customary  to  recognize  in  the  little  Indian  a  truly  great 
man.  Both  in  Mexico  and  in  foreign  lands  Benito  Juarez  has 
been  considered  a  valiant  fighter  for  democratic  principles  and 
a  great  ruler.  Only  now  and  then  does  one  hear  a  voice  of 


206  THE  LITTLE  INDIAN 

depreciation.  A  brilliant  writer  in  Mexico,  Francisco  Bulnes, 
some  years  ago,  wrote  a  book  under  the  title  of  El  Verdadero 
Juarez  (The  True  Juarez),  in  which  he  attacks  the  Indian  presi- 
dent. People  generally,  however,  in  Mexico,  revere  him.  He 
comes  very  near  the  common  man.  His  Indian  blood,  his  pov- 
erty, his  simplicity  gave  him  a  strong  hold  upon  the  general 
public.  It  was  his  Indian  characteristics  which  made  him  great. 
The  splendid  and  costly  monument  erected  to  him  in  Mexico's 
centennial  was  justified.  Little  else  of  the  great  expense 
involved  in  that  celebration  would  be  so  willingly  contributed  by 
a  consulted  public. 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 

GUTIERREZ  DE   ESTRADA EUROPEAN   INTERVENTION CONFERENCE   OF 

ORIZABA PURPOSE  OF  FRANCE BATTLES  OF  PUEBLA INVITATION 

TO  MAXIMILIAN FERDINAND  MAXIMILIAN DECLINE  OF  EMPIRE 

DECREE   OF  OCTOBER  3,    1865 THE   END   OF   EMPIRE. 

FEOM  1821,  when  Mexico's  independence  was  achieved, 
right  on  through  the  whole  period  of  the  republic, 
monarchical  ideas  were  smouldering.  That  efforts  should 
be  made  during  the  administration  of  Guadalupe  Victoria  to 
restore  Spain's  power  was  not  strange.  It  was  more  strange 
that,  in  1840,  after  twenty  years  of  independence,  a  genuine 
argument  in  favor  of  monarchy  should  be  presented.  On  the 
25th  of  August,  a  person  of  respectable  position,  well  informed 
in  public  matters,  and  a  clear  thinker  in  political  questions, 
Jose  Maria  Gutierrez  de  Estrada,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  presi- 
dent of  the  republic  upon  the  necessity  of  seeking  a  possible 
remedv  for  the  evils  which  afflicted  the  nation. 

GUTIERREZ   DE  ESTRADA 

Gutierrez  de  Estrada  was  really  an  able  man,  who  had  been 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  Bustamante  's  cabinet  and  a  sena- 
tor of  the  republic.  In  this  letter  the  author  reviewed  the  at- 
tempts and  failures  of  the  Mexicans  to  rule  themselves,  and 
proposed  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  under  a  ^European 
prince.  His  communication  caused  much  feeling  and  aroused 
some  wholesome  discussion.  It  led  to  no  serious  action,  but 
Gutierrez  de  Estrada  presented  his  ideas;  and  later  on  he  had 
opportunity  to  act  upon  them.  His  proposition  rendered  him 
so  unpopular  that  he  was  forced  to  retire  to  Europe  where  he 
lived  for  many  years.  In  1854  Santa  Anna  unquestionably 
planned  to  revive  a  monarchical  government.  He  appointed 
Gutierrez  de  Estrada  a  special  commissioner  to  negotiate  with 

207 


208 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 


the  governments  of  France,  England,  Austria,  and  Spain,  for 
the  establishment  of  a  European  prince  upon  a  Mexican  throne. 
The  proposition  was  made  just  before  his  own  fall  from  power, 
and  nothing  came  of  it.  Two  years  later,  in  1856,  Haro  y 
Tamariz,  who  had  been  leading  in  the  difficulties  in  the  city  of 
Puebla,  was  suspected  of  monarchical  plotting,  proposing  either 


MIGUEL  MIRAMON,  GENERAL  OF  MAXIMILIAN,  EXECUTED  WITH  HIM. 

to  set  himself  or  an  Iturbide  upon  the  throne.  It  was  thus  not 
absolutely  a  new  idea  which  was  presented  when,  in  1861,  the 
Juarez  government  decreed  suspension  of  payments  for  two 
years  on  the  foreign  debts.  At  this  moment,  the  defeated  reac- 
tionaries, acting  through  the  Spanish  Minister  and  General 
Almonte,  and  using  the  foreign  debts  as  an  excuse,  were  recom- 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 


209 


ANTONIO  PELAGIO  DE  LABASTIDA  Y  DAVALOS,  AKCHBISHOP  OF  MEX- 
ICO AND  FRIEND  OF  MAXIMILIAN. 


210  FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 

mending  the  establishment  of  a  European  protectorate  over 
Mexico. 

EUROPEAN  INTERVENTION 

The  decree  suspending  payments  really  gave  ground  for  in- 
tervention. France  and  England  broke  off  relations  with 
Mexico.  In  the  Treaty  of  London,  France,  England,  and  Spain 
united  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  Mexico.  They  agreed,  to 
occupy  Mexican  territory  temporarily,  and  to  administer  the 
customs-houses  within  the  area  of  occupation  in  such  a  way  as 
to  pay  out  the  claims  of  the  three  nations.  The  three  were  to 
act  in  actual  conjunction,  but  the  Spanish  fleet  with  Spanish 
troops  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  in  December,  1861,  and  made  a 
landing.  This  was  not  according  to  the  agreement.  On  January 
8,  1862,  the  French  and  English  fleets  appeared.  The  energetic 
efforts  made  by  the  Juarez  government  for  defense  have  already 
been  mentioned. 

A  conference  was  arranged  with  the  leaders  of  the  interven- 
tion at  Soledad,  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz.  Manuel  Doblado 
represented  the  Mexican  government  ably.  He  proved  that  the 
chief  causes  for  complaint  were  matters  for  which  the  Juarez 
government  was  not  responsible  and  which  it  intended  to 
promptly  adjust.  Thus,  the  British  representative  complained 
that  at  one  time,  their  legation  in  Mexico  had  been  robbed  of 
funds ;  this  had  been  done  by  General  Marquez,  who  was  at  the 
time  leading  an  insurrection  against  the  government.  One  of  the 
chief  causes  for  Spanish  intervention  was  the  fact  of  assassina- 
tions of  Spaniards;  the  Juarez  government  had  taken  steps  to 
punish  these  outrages.  Both  the  British  and  Spanish  represen- 
tatives showed  themselves  reasonable,  and  were  willing  to 
accept  the  explanations  offered  and  reach  some  sort  of  agree- 
ment with  the  Mexican  government.  It  soon  became  evident 
that  the  French  representative  was  less  inclined  to  reach  an 
understanding.  The  upshot  of  the  meeting  at  Soledad  was  that 
the  allies  would  recognize  the  Mexican  government  as  constitu- 
tional and  legitimate ;  that  they  would  occupy  certain  towns  by 
permission ;  that  a  further  conference  would  be  held  at  Orizaba 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE  211 

in  the  effort  to  adjust  the  matters  in  dispute ;  that,  if  this  con- 
ference should  fail  of  reaching  a  satisfactory  conclusion,  the 
forces  would  be  withdrawn  to  the  places  already  occupied  and 
matters  should  progress  as  might  seem  necessary. 

CONFERENCE  OF  OEIZABA 

At  the  second  conference  held  at  Orizaba,  the  French  rep- 
resentative, Count  de  Saligny,  refused  to  treat  further,  and 
announced  the  intention  of  his  government  to  march  upon  the 
capital.  Meantime,  the  French  forces  had  been  reinforced  so 
that  now  more  than  6,500  men  were  under  arms  on  Mexican 
territory.  With  these  forces  were  Mexicans  who  had  been  dis- 
turbers and  in  arms  against  the  government.  General  Almonte, 
Padre  Miranda,  Haro  y  Tamariz,  were  among  them.  Under 
the  protection  of  the  French  forces,  Almonte  even  assumed  the 
title  of  Provisional  President  of  Mexico  and  issued  manifestos, 
calling  upon  the  Mexican  people  to  overthrow  the  Juarez  gov- 
ernment. It  was  now  recognized  by  the  English  and  Spanish 
commissioners  that  France  was  playing  a  part  in  the  interven- 
tion not  warranted  by  the  treaty  which  the  three  nations  had 
entered  into  in  London.  Juarez  protested  against  the  presence 
of  the  Mexican  hostile  leaders  in  the  French  camp.  The  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish  commissioners  united  in  supporting  his  pro- 
test. The  French  paid  no  attention  to  these  objections.  Gen- 
eral Miramon  attempted  to  join  Almonte  and  the  other  Mexi- 
can discontents  in  the  French  camp,  but  Commodore  Dunlop, 
of  the  British  force,  declared  that,  if  he  attempted  to  land,  he 
would  at  once  arrest  him  on  account  of  his  part  in  the  robbery 
of  the  British  legation — which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the 
chief  cause  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  British  government. 

PUKPOSE  OF  FRANCE 

As  it  was  clear  that  France  was  bound  to  precipitate  war 
with  Mexico,  and  as  neither  Spain  nor  England  was  prepared 
to  go  to  such  an  extent  in  pushing  their  claims,  the  English 
and  Spanish  troops  were  entirely  withdrawn  from  the  enter- 


212  FAILURE  OP  EMPIRE 

prise.  The  French  were  left  alone  in  Mexico.  Immediately 
after  the  conference  at  Orizaba,  the  French  general  proclaimed 
a  military  dictatorship  in  Mexico  with  Almonte  at  its  head. 
The  French  army  was  organized  into  two  divisions,  and  an 
advance  upon  the  capital  ordered.  One  division  was  to  proceed 
by  way  of  Jalapa,  the  other  by  Orizaba.  What  sympathetic 
Mexican  forces  could  be  gathered  were  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  Marquez,  and  joined  the  French  in  the  advance. 

BATTLES  OF  PUEBLA 

Prominent  among  the  military  leaders  of  the  republic  were 
Generals  Zaragoza,  Escobedo,  Comonfort,  and  Porfirio  Diaz. 
A  great  battle  took  place  on  May  5,  1862,  at  Puebla.  The  Mexi- 
can army  was  under  the  leadership  of  Zaragoza,  assisted  by 
Porfirio  Diaz.  A  brilliant  victory  was  gained  over  the  French 
forces,  who  were  forced  to  withdraw  to  Orizaba.  Forey,  arriv- 
ing at  this  time  with  reinforcements,  brought  up  the  French 
forces  to  a  total  of  20,000  men.  Acting  under  orders  of 
Napoleon,  he  assumed  the  title  of  military  dictator.  Puebla 
was  captured  by  the  French  forces  in  May,  1863,  and  Diaz  was 
taken  prisoner.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  escaping.  Juarez 
and  his  government  withdrew  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  the  army 
of  intervention  occupied  the  capital  city  on  the  llth  of  June. 
Forey,  together  with  Marquez,  Almonte  and  de  Saligny,  organ- 
ized a  supreme  council  which,  in  turn,  named  Almonte,  Salas 
and  Labastida — at  that  time  in  Europe — as  a  regency. 

INVITATION  TO  MAXIMILIAN 

A  body  known  as  the  Assembly  of  Notables,  numbering  231 
persons,  was  brought  together  in  July,  and  on  the  tenth,  passed 
an  act  establishing  monarchy,  and  inviting  the  archduke,  Maxi- 
milian, of  Austria,  to  accept  the  throne.  It  is  an  interesting 
fact  that  Gutierrez  de  Estrada  served  upon  the  committee 
which  waited  upon  Maximilian  to  present  this  invitation. 
Twenty-three  years  before,  he  had  written  his  famous  letter, 
urging  the  establishment  of  a  monarchical  government.  Forey 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE  213 

and  de  Saligny  were  recalled  to  France,  and  Marshal  Bazaine 
was  sent  to  take  charge  of  the  French  soldiers  and  to  prepare 
the  country  for  Maximilian's  coming.  He  proceeded  to  effect- 
ively occupy  the  country,  depending  upon  Marquez  and  Mejia 
as  his  chief  generals.  The  republican  forces  were  scattered. 
The  only  serious  body  of  men  in  arms  was  in  the  south  in  charge 
of  Diaz.  The  government  retreated  to  Saltillo,  then  to  Monte- 
rey. When  Maximilian  was  invited  to  accept  the  throne,  he 
demanded  proof  that  the  Mexicans  really  wanted  him  as  ruler, 
and  also  asked  for  guarantees  of  protection  of  his  throne.  Mar- 
shal Bazaine  sent  him  a  certificate  which  seemed  to  represent 
a  general  demand  on  the  part  of  Mexican  citizens  for  his  com- 
ing; and  while  Napoleon  did  not  actually  guarantee  protection, 
he  gave  satisfactory  assurance  of  his  intention  to  support  the 
newly  established  throne. 

FERDINAND   MAXIMILIAN 

At  this  time,  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  Maximilian,  was 
thirty-one  years  of  age.  He  had  been  interested  in  military  and 
naval  affairs  and  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  Austrian  navy. 
He  was  a  man  of  scientific  and  artistic  tastes,  and  wrote  several 
books  which  show  some  literary  ability.  In  1857  he  married 
Charlotte,  sister  of  Leopold  II,  King  of  Belgium.  He  was  a  man 
of  good  impulses,  but  vain  and  extravagant  in  personal  expendi- 
tures. In  accepting  the  crown  of  Mexico,  there  is  no  question 
that  he  believed  he  was  doing  a  kindness  to  that  country,  and 
that  he  entered  upon  the  experiment  of  government  with  high 
ideals  and  noble  purposes.  His  brother,  emperor  of  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  empire,  disapproved  the  movement,  but  the  arch- 
duke was  firm  in  his  resolve.  On  April  8,  1864,  he  signed  a  com- 
pact whereby  he  relinquished  all  his  rights  of  succession  to  the 
Austrian  throne.  On  April  10th,  the  committee  of  the  Assem- 
bly of  Notables  waited  upon  him  and  presented  the  formal  offer 
of  imperial  power.  He  accepted  the  invitation,  and  took  a  for- 
mal oath  in  his  palace  of  Miramar ;  the  Mexican  flag  was  furled, 
salutes  fired,  and  great  enthusiasm  shown.  Soon  after  he  and 


214  FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 

his  beautiful  wife  embarked  for  Mexico,  and  arrived  at  Yera 
Cruz  May  29,  1864.  He  was  met  at  that  port  by  Almonte,  presi- 
dent of  the  regency,  and  their  progress  to  the  capital  city  was 
a  continuous  ovation.  At  every  town  of  consequence  through 
which  they  passed  triumphal  arches  and  decorations  had  been 
prepared  and  public  functions  were  carried  through.  After 
Maximilian  reached  his  capital,  Juarez  retreated  still  further 
north,  stopping  for  a  time  at  Chihuahua,  but  falling  back  ulti- 
mately to  Paso  del  Norte. 

DECLINE  OF  EMPIRE 

It  is  unnecessary  for  us  to  go  into  the  details  of  Maximilian 's 
rule.  It  was  brilliant,  extravagant,  ill-adapted  to  the  condi- 
tions of  the  country.  It  was  very  sad  to  see  the  efforts  which 
the  really  well-meaning  man  made  to  gain  the  sympathies  and 
affections  of  his  new  subjects.  He  soon  found  that  even  his 
own  supporters  were  disorganized  and  quarreling.  His  desire 
to  placate  the  liberal  leaders  and  bring  them  to  his  side  caused 
great  dissatisfaction  to  his  own  followers.  Himself  an  ardent 
Catholic,  he  was  soon  in  open  rupture  with  the  church  party; 
the  clericals  were  far  from  satisfied  because  he  left  the  laws 
of  the  reform  in  operation.  It  was  a  wise  move  on  his  part, 
as  he  saw  how  sadly  the  nation  had  suffered  from  the  absorp- 
tion of  wealth  and  power  by  the  Church.  So  strong,  however, 
was  the  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  of  the  clericals  that  the 
papal  nuncio  withdrew  from  Mexico.  More  and  more  Maxi- 
milian discovered  that  the  certificate  which  had  been  sent  him, 
showing  a  strong  demand  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  people 
for  his  coming,  did  not  actually  represent  the  national  feeling. 
His  party  was  in  reality  a  small  one,  and  experience  soon  showed 
that  its  friendship  was  not  to  be  depended  upon.  Marshal 
Bazaine  of  course  represented  his  chief  hope.  At  first  there 
seemed  to  have  been  most  friendly  relations  between  them,  but 
with  the  passage  of  time,  Bazaine >s  interest  in  ftie  experiment 
waned,  and  his  personal  support  weakened.  The  United  States, 
which  had  recognized  the  authority  of  Juarez  when  he  was  in 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE  215 

Vera  Cruz. in  1861,  continued  to  recognize  him  as  the  only  legal 
head  of  Mexican  affairs.  While  this  attitude  was,  at  the  moment 
of  Maximilian's  arrival  in  Mexico,  of  no  great  importance,  it 
became  more  so  when  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  was  finished. 
Europe  of  course  had  anticipated  a  different  outcome  of  our 
civil  war.  England,  France,  and  Germany,  all  expected  that 
the  South  would  gain  the  victory,  and  that  the  Confederate 
States  were  to  be  counted  on  in  future  politics.  The  sympathy 
of  England  and  France  was  distinctly  with  the  southern  states. 
Had  the  Confederacy  succeeded,  it  is  probable  that  the  most 
friendly  relations  would  have  existed  between  its  government 
and  the  Mexican  Empire.  When,  however,  the  southern  cause 
proved  to  be  a  lost  one,  affairs  looked  very  different.  All 
through  the  war,  Washington  had  made  known  to  France  its  dis- 
approval of  the  intervention  business;  no  attention  had  been 
paid  to  its  representations.  Now  that  the  war  was  over,  the 
United  States  firmly  announced  to  France  that  she  had  tres- 
passed on  the  Monroe  Doctrine;  it  demanded  the  withdrawal 
of  French  troops  without  delay  and  the  cessation  of  coloniza- 
tion. It  sent  a  military  officer  of  high  rank  to  Paso  del  Norte 
as  an  adviser  to  Juarez  and  located  an  army  on  the  Mexican 
frontier.  Napoleon  saw  the  hopelessness  of  further  interfer- 
ence and  began  to  act  upon  our  demands. 

THE  DECEEE  OF  OCTOBER  3,  1865 

Maximilian  saw  of  course  that  his  chief  support  was  fail- 
ing. The  same  objections  that  had  been  made  to  the  presence 
of  French  soldiers  might  with  equal  propriety  apply  to  any 
Belgian  or  Austrian  soldiers  who  might  be  in  the  country.  He 
knew  that  reliance  upon  the  Mexican  army  was  dangerous.  The 
desperate  situation  of  affairs  no  doubt  was  responsible  for  his 
passing  the  famous  decree  of  October  3,  1865,  which  was  blood- 
thirsty in  its  nature,  and  condemned  to  death  all  who  should 
be  found  bearing  arms  against  his  government,  or  supplying 
arms  or  material  for  war.  The  issuance  of  the  decree  was  bad 
enough;  it  was,  however,  actually  enforced,  and  some  officers 


216 


FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 


FAILURE  OP  EMPIRE  ,  217 

of  the  republican  forces  were  executed.  This  was  a  fatal 
blunder  on  the  part  of  the  unfortunate  ruler.  It  called  forth 
protest  from  200  Belgian  prisoners  who  were  held  by  liberal 
forces  at  Tacambaro.  They  stated  in  their  communication  to 
the  Emperor  that  they  had  come  to  Mexico  solely  to  act  as  a' 
guard  of  honor  to  their  empress,  and  that  they  had  been  forced 
to  fight  against  principles  identical  with  their  own.  As  the 
French  troops  were  gradually  withdrawn,  and  prisoners  were 
exchanged  with,  the  republican  government,  courage  on  the 
part  of  Mexican  patriots  of  course  increased.  As  the  French 
forces  abandoned  ground,  the  republican  troops  advanced  to 
occupy.  Bazaine,  who  considered  the  case  hopeless,  strongly 
advised  the  abdication  of  the  emperor.  Maximilian  hesitated, 
was  in  uncertainty.  Juarez  came  south  from  Paso  del  Norte  to 
Chihuahua.  Victories  began  to  be  gained;  Escobedo  captured 
Monterey  and  Alteo.  Carlota  hurried  to  Europe  in  the  hope  of 
enlisting  the  further  assistance  of  Napoleon  and  of  the  Head 
of  the  Church,  but  all  in  vain.  Maximilian,  who  had  left  the 
city  of  Mexico,  called  a  council  at  Orizaba  and  submitted  the 
question  of  his  abdication  to  it  in  November,  1866.  After  a 
discussion,  he  was  advised  by  a  small  majority  to  remain  in 
power.  The  Church  party,  which  had  been  alienated,  offered  its 
support.  In  his  efforts  to  placate  the  public  and  win  liberal 
leaders  to  his  support,  Maximilian  had  thought  it  profitable 
to  send  Marquez  and  Miramon  on  foreign  missions.  Eeturning 
now,  at  this  crisis,  there  were  put  in  charge  of  imperial  forces. 
The  imperial  government  was  located  at  Queretaro. 

THE  END  OF  EMPIRE 

In  November,  Escobedo,  with  15,000  soldiers,  advanced 
upon  Queretaro  and  laid  siege  to  the  city.  Matters  became  des- 
perate. Just  as  an  escape  had  been  arranged  for  the  unfortunate 
emperor,  one  of  his  trusted  lieutenants,  Miguel  Lopez,  betrayed 
the  plan  to  the  independent  forces,  and  showed  a  method  of  en- 
tering the  city  quietly  by  night.  His  plan  was  followed,  and  the 
city  captured  on  May  15th.  The  emperor  and  General  Mejia 


218  FAILURE  OF  EMPIRE 

barely  escaped  capture  and  took  refuge  on  a  little  hill  known 
as  Cerro  de  las  Campanas.  Here  thej&were  attacked  and  finally 
surrendered.  A  trial  took  place  in  the  Teatro  de  Iturbide,  and 
Ferdinando  Maximiliano,  Miguel  Miramon,  and  Tomas  Mejia 
were  found  guilty  of  filibuster,  treason,  and  the  issuance  of  the 
decree  of  October  3,  1865.  In  this  trial  the  well  known  advocate, 
Eiva  Palacio,  made  a  masterly  defense,  and  was  assisted  by 
skilful  lawyers;  it  was  in  vain.  After  the  sentence  of  death 
had  been  passed,  he  personally  went  to  San  Luis  Potosi  to 
plead  with  Juarez  to  spare  the  Emperor's  life.  The  Princess 
Salm-Salm,  who  had  been  conspicuous  in  the  emperor's  court, 
did  the  same.  The  United  States  sent  in  a  protest.  All  was  of 
no  avail,  and  at  seven  in  the  morning  of  June  19th,  the  execution 
of  Maximilian  and  his  two  generals  took  place  upon  the  Cerro 
de  las  Campanas. 


MATERIAL  PROGRESS 

KAILKOAD  DEVELOPMENT MISTAKES THE  TEHUANTEPEC   RAILWAY 

FOREIGN        CONTROL HARBOR        IMPROVEMENT THE        DRAINAGE 

CANAL INSTITUTIONAL    DEVELOPMENT POST    OFFICE    AND    OPERA 

HOUSE. 

NO  ONE  denies  that  in  many  lines  of  material  progress 
much  was  achieved  under  Porfirio  Diaz.  He  was  a  man 
of  force,  ideas,  and  clear  sight.  When  he  came  into 
power,  his  first  problem  was  to  deal  with  the  financial  conditions 
of  the  country.  They  were  desperate.  A  definite  policy  was 
necessary.  He  pursued  rigid  economy,  cutting  out  every  un- 
necessary expense  and  reducing  public  administration  to  the 
minimum  compatible  with  efficiency.  Improvement  was  made 
even  during  his  first  term  of  office.  In  his  later  terms,  the 
national  debt  was  consolidated,  the  rate  of  interest  paid  upon 
it  was  reduced,  the  problem  of  the  depreciation  of  silver  was 
solved,  and  the  income  of  the  country  enormously  increased. 
Whatever  criticisms  one  may  make  of  Limantour,  there  is  no 
question  of  this  real  improvement.  From  a  nation  which  had 
been  looked  upon  as  bankrupt,  Mexico  was  raised  to  one  with 
high  credit  in  foreign  lands.  Year  by  year  the  scale  of  both 
income  and  expenditure  increased  enormously.  During  the  later 
years  of  the  Porfirian  regime,  the  government  account  books 
showed  a  regular  surplus  of  income  over  expenditure. 

RAILROAD  DEVELOPMENT 

He  has  been  famous  for  his  encouragement  of  the  develop- 
ment of  railways.  It  may  be  said  that  practically  the  entire 
system  of  railroad  lines  in  the  republic  was  developed  during 
the  period  of  his  administration.  When  he  first  came  into 
power,  there  was  almost  nothing  except  the  Mexican  Railway, 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital  city.  To-day  there  are  approxi- 
mately ten  thousand  miles.  This  is  creditable  even  though  there 

219 


220  MATERIAL  PROGRESS 

are  some  criticisms  to  be  made.  Through  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  the  period  of  railroad  development  in  Mexico,  liberal 
subsidies  were  paid  to  the  constructors.  This  is  not  the  place 
to  consider  the  question  of  the  legitimacy  of  paying  subsidies 
to  private  railway  companies,  but  it  is  certain  that  subsidies 
should  never  be  more  in  amount  than  to  serve  as  an  encourage- 
ment of  the  construction ;  there  have  been  times  when  subsidies 
paid  to  Mexican  railways  exceeded  the  amount  necessary  for 
their  construction.  When  the  Mexican  National  Railway  was 
laid  down,  it  received  a  subsidy  per  mile  of  track  so  liberal  that 
there  was  large  money  in  making  the  line  between  two  cities  as 
long  as  possible  instead  of  short.  After  that  railway  really  be- 
came a  going  concern,  conducted  as  a  railway,  it  was  forced  to 
spend  a  large  portion  of  its  earnings  in  shortening  the  line. 
The  large  subsidies  were  a  bonanza  for  the  original  construct- 
ors; they  proved  a  curse  for  the  practical  enterprise. 

MISTAKES    OF    DEVELOPMENT 

Most  of  the  Mexican  railways  were  constructed  by  foreign 
capital  and  with  reference  to  the  convenience  and  plans  of  for- 
eigners. The  ideal  network  of  railroads  in  Mexico  would  be 
one  which  radiated  out  from  the  capital  city  and  which  rendered 
connection  between  that  city  and  every  portion  of  the  republic 
easy,  prompt,  and  convenient.  It  was  the  last  thing  thought  of. 
Only  a  few  years  ago,  if  Mexico  had  had  serious  trouble  with 
the  United  States,  bodies  of  soldiers  could  have  been  thrown 
into  points  of  crucial  importance  much  more  easily  from  Wash- 
ington than  from  the  City  of  Mexico.  In  fact,  they  could  not 
have  been  better  devised,  if  planned  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
American  soldiers  could  have  occupied  the  west  coast,  the  Gulf, 
and  the  highland  of  the  interior  more  promptly  and  conveni- 
ently than  Mexican  soldiery.  Only  toward  the  very  end  of  the 
Diaz  regime  did  it  seem  to  dawn  upon  those  in  power  that  they 
had  been  blind  to  the  actual  necessities  and  interests  of  the 
country  in  this  matter. 


MATERIAL  PROGRESS 


221 


Copyrighted  by  Underwood  and  Underwooc 


MAKING  COFFEE  BAGS,  SANTA  GERTRUDIS,  NEAR  ORIZABA. 
MANUFACTURING  DEVELOPED  NOTABLY  UNDER  PORFIRIO  DIAZ. 


222  MATERIAL  PROGRESS 

THE  TEHUANTEPEC  RAILWAY 

During  the  term  of  office  of  Manuel  Gonzales,  Porfirio  Diaz, 
as  governor  of  the  State  of  Oaxaca,  undertook  the  construction 
of  the  Tehuantepec  Kailway.  It  was  a  short  line  connecting 
the  gulf  port  of  Coatzacoalcos  with  the  Pacific  port,  Salina  Cruz. 
Its  construction  at  that  time  seemed  to  have  been  premature. 
At  all  events,  it  had  little  business,  was  neglected,  and  fell  com- 
pletely into  dilapidation.  Much  later  on,  its  serious  value  and 
significance  again  became  evident  and  its  reintegration  was 
undertaken.  In  connection  with  it,  went  the  development  of  the 
two  terminal  ports.  In  this  great  work,  Porfirio  Diaz  united  the 
Mexican  government  and  the  great  English  firm  of  S.  Pearson. 
An  enormous  expenditure  for  the  improvement  of  the  ports  and 
the  development  of  the  railroad  was  made,  and  it  extended  over 
a  long  period  of  years.  This  development  has  taken  place,  and 
to-day  the  Tehuantepec  Kailroad  is  one  of  the  most  important 
enterprises  in  the  republic.  Properly  conducted,  it  should 
render  the  Panama  Canal  a  matter  of  no  serious  commercial 
importance.  Notwithstanding  the  disadvantages  of  loading 
and  unloading  involved  in  transferring  freight  from  steamers  to 
railroad,  and  vice  versa,  the  shortness  of  the  freight  journey 
by  way  of  the  Tehuantepec  Railway  gives  the  enterprise  a  great 
practical  advantage. 

FOREIGN  CONTROL 

In  course  of  time,  considerable  disaffection  arose  in  Mexico 
over  the  fact  that  the  railroads  of  the  country  were  largely 
foreign  enterprises.  It  was  felt  that  they  not  only  were  taking 
money  from  the  country,  but  that  they  introduced  great  num- 
bers of  foreign  employees.  The  result  was,  that  considerable 
agitation  took  place  in  the  direction  of  the  nationalization  of 
the  railways.  Undoubtedly  in  the  beginning  there  was  consid- 
erable patriotism  in  the  idea.  In  the  early  agitation  it  was  an 
anti-foreign  feeling  and  a  fear  lest  foreign  interests  would  in- 
terfere in  the  affairs  of  the  country  that  gave  the  impulse  to 
the  taking  over  of  the  roads.  "When,  however,  the  nationaliza- 


MATERIAL  PROGRESS  223 

tion  actually  took  place,  these  motives  had  disappeared  or 
became  secondary ;  the  nationalization,  instead  of  freeing" 
Mexico  from  the  clutch  of  the  outsider,  really  betrayed  her  more 
fully  to  it;  more  than  that,  it  was  an  opportunity  for  graft 
rarely,  if  ever,  surpassed. 

HARBOR  IMPROVEMENTS 

One  of  the  most  important  of  the  lines  of  material  progress 
under  Porfirio  Diaz  was  the  improvement  of  the  national 
harbors.  Improvement  at  Tampico  was  undertaken  when 
Porfirio  Diaz  was  in  the  cabinet  of  Manuel  Gonzales  as  Minis- 
ter of  Fomento.  In  the  old  days  Tampico  was  a  place  of  small 
significance ;  located  near  the  mouth  of  the  Panuco  Eiver,  it  was 
accessible  to  vessels  of  small  draught  only  in  favorable  condi- 
tions of  the  weather.  Ships  drawing  more  than  nine  feet  could 
never  be  sure  of  entrance,  on  account  of  the  formation  of  sand- 
bars at  the  river's  mouth  in  connection  with  gulf  storms.  The 
improvements  at  Tampico  were  planned  by  American  engineers 
and  largely  carried  out  by  our  people ;  to-day  the  mouth  of  the 
Panuco  river  is  at  all  times  open  to  the  entrance  of  vessels 
drawing  even  as  much  as  twenty  or  twenty-two  feet.  As  a  re- 
sult, the  city  of  Tampico  has  grown  by  leaps  and  bounds;  its 
business,  both  of  import  and  of  export,  has  developed 
handsomely. 

Since  those  days,  great  improvements  have  been  made  in  all 
the  other  important  harbors  of  Mexico  on  both  coasts.  Many 
millions  of  dollars  were  spent  during  the  Diaz  administration 
on  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  harbor  of  Coatzacoalcos,  in  con- 
nection with  the  development  of  the  Tehuantepec  Railway,  has 
been  enormously  bettered;  it  is  now  called  Puerto  Mexico.  At 
the  other  end  of  the  Tehuantepec  Railroad,  the  Pacific  port  of 
Salina  Cruz  has  been  practically  created.  Other  Pacific  ports, 
as  those  of  Mazatlan  and  Manzanillo,  have  been  developed 
beyond  recognition.  No  one  can  find  fault  with  these  notable 
improvements  of  the  national  harbors.  They  are  examples  of 


224  MATERIAL  PROGRESS 

enlightened  progressivism,  and  so  far  as  they  are  free  from 
graft,  are  only  to  be  approved. 

THE    DRAINAGE   CANAL, 

In  the  direction  of  public  utility,  many  important  enterprises 
were  carried  through. "  Preeminent  among  these  is  the  famous 
drainage  canal  of  the  valley  of  Mexico.  In  the  olden  time,  the 
lakes  in  the  valley  of  Mexico  were  subject  to  serious  overflow. 
With  this  overflow  the  city  was  subject  to  frightful  inundation, 
with  resulting  loss  of  life,  property,  and  subsequent  disease. 
During  the  three  hundred  years  of  Spanish  rule,  the  problem 
was  a  serious  one,  and  many  efforts  were  made  toward  its  solu- 
tion. The  great  cut  of  Nochistongo  remains  as  an  impressive 
monument  of  such  endeavors.  In  the  cutting  of  the  great  tun- 
nel of  Nochistongo  years  of  time,  millions  of  dollars,  hundreds 
of  lives  were  demanded ;  when  it  was  finished,  it  was  not  a  com- 
plete solution  of  the  difficulty.  Things  were  improved,  but  inun- 
dation of  the  city  still  took  place  at  times  with  all  its  frightful 
losses. 

INSTITUTIONAL  DEVELOPMENT 

The  drainage  canal,  however,  undertaken  and  carried 
through  to  completion  under  Porfirio  Diaz,  has  satisfactorily 
settled  the  problem,  and  to-day  the  city  is  free  from  danger  of 
floods.  The  drainage  canal  is  but  one  of  many  enterprises  for 
public  advantage  to  be  credited  to  the  past  regime.  Many 
institutions  of  philanthropy,  education,  and  betterment  were 
due  to  the  Porfirian  administration.  These  are  generally  called 
to  the  notice  of  the  foreign  visitor.  Among  them  are  such  things 
as  the  general  hospital,  the  national  penitentiary,  and  the 
geological  institute.  The  only  question  in  regard  to  all  such 
institutions  is  the  degree  to  which  the  nation's  needs  demand 
them  and  to  which  the  economic  conditions  of  the  nation  war- 
rant them.  There  is,  and  should  be,  no  limits  to  their  develop- 
ment except  these.  The  national  penitentiary  is  often  said  to  be 
the  most  complete  and  perfect  building  of  its  kind.  If  this  is 


MATERIAL  PROGRESS  225 

true,  so  much  the  worse  that  in  the  same  city  Belem  exists.  Is 
there  in  any  portion  of  the  civilized  world  a  fouler  blot  in  the 
way  of  a  punitive  institution!  It  would  be  much  better  to  have 
a  decent  average  between  the  two  than  to  have  such  sharply 
contrasted  extremes.  Many  of  the  same  visitors  to  whom  the 
national  penitentiary  was  shown  while  they  were  in  the  capital 
city  could  not  fail  to  see  San  Juan  de  Ulua  as  they  sailed  away 
from  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz.  Those  who  have  actually  visited 
the  dripping  lower  vaults  in  it,  have  much  to  think  of.  So  far 
as  the  geological  institute  is  concerned,  the  only  question  is  to 
what  degree  it  serves  its  purpose  to  the  advantage  of  the  nation. 
All  such  institutions  are  warranted  when  they  are  freely  voted 
by  a  thinking  people  who  are  willing  to  tax  themselves  to  the 
extent  necessary  for  their  foundation  and  support.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  find  any  section  of  the  United  States  which  would 
be  willing  so  to  tax  itself  for  the  support  of  an  institution  of 
pure  science. 

POSTOFFICE    AND    OPERA   HOUSE 

It  was  under  Porfirio  Diaz  that  such  splendid  examples  of 
national  advancement  in  civilization,  art,  and  culture  were  con- 
structed as  the  city  postoffice  and  national  opera  house.  Both 
are  splendid  buildings  of  marble.  Either  of  them  would  be 
creditable  in  the  capital  city  of  the  richest  nations  on  the 
globe.  They  evidence  clearly  that  a  certain  class  in  Mexico 
knows  what  is  fine,  beautiful,  impressive,  artistic.  So  far  as 
Mexico  is  concerned,  the  splendid  postoffice  building  and  the 
national  opera  house  exist  for  two  reasons,  and  two  reasons 
only.  First,  they  are  intended  to  impress  the  public  and  the 
foreign  world  with  the  advancement  of  the  nation.  They  may 
serve  their  purpose  to  deceive  outsiders,  but  they  deceive 
nobody  within.  Buildings  costing  one-fifth  as  much  would  serve 
legitimate  ends  fully  as  well.  So  far  as  the  national  opera  house 
is  concerned,  it  is  doubtful  whether  a  people  should  be  taxed 
for  the  support  of  an  institution  which,  in  its  very  nature,  min- 
isters to  the  needs  and  pleasure  of  an  extremely  small  element 


226  MATERIAL  PROGRESS 

of  the  population.  Even  in  an  empire  such  a  building  is  ques- 
tionable ;  in  a  republic  it  is  out  of  place.  Secondly,  these  splen- 
did buildings  exist  in  Mexico  because  they  furnished  superb 
opportunities  for  graft.  Whatever  it  may  have  cost  to  build 
them,  it  is  certain  that  the  people  paid  far  more.  The  opera 
house  is  yet  unfinished.  Estimates  regarding  its  cost  vary. 
Probably  it  has  already  demanded  an  expenditure  of  11,000,000 
pesos;  the  end  is  not  yet  in  sight.  It  is  improbable  that  it  can 
be  finished  at  a  less  total  outlay  than  15,000,000  pesos.  That 
means  that  a  tax  of  one  peso  upon  the  total  population,  man, 
woman,  and  child  is  represented  by  it.  Such  an  expenditure  is 
in  itself  ridiculous.  But  the  worst  feature  of  the  whole  thing  is 
that  every  one  realizes  that  many  have  grown  rich  upon  that 
single  building — and  there  is  still  chance  for  several  modest 
fortunes  to  be  made  before  the  finishing  touches  are  put  upon  it. 
It  is  these  things  in  the  direction  of  material  progress  which 
have  most  impressed  the  visitor  to  Mexico.  Seeing  them,  he 
has  returned  to  his  own  country  sounding  high  praises  for  the 
neighboring  republic.  Because  of  them,  Porfirio  Diaz  has  been 
lauded.  Were  such  things  associated  with  a  steady  rise  in  gen- 
eral comfort,  they  would  indeed  be  causes  for  congratulation. 
If,  with  the  marked  material  advancement  of  the  country  in 
showy  lines,  there  had  been  equal  progress  in  the  condition  of 
the  people,  the  name  of  Porfirio  Diaz  would  unquestionably  be 
entitled  to  all  praise. 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

TWO    PHASES    IN    THE    DIAZ    REGIME MATERIAL    DEVELOPMENT THE 

CIENTIFICOS LIMANTOUR AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT  ! BERNARDO  REYES 

A    CHANGE    IN    PROGRAM REYES    VERSUS    LIMANTOUR RAMON 

CORRAL     ENTERS— -HIS     CHARACTER RETIREMENT    AND     EXILE     OF 

REYES THE  END  OF  REYES. 

TWENTY  years  ago  it  was  a  common  question.    Every  one 
was  praising  Diaz  as  a  great  ruler,  a  constructive  states- 
man.   But  there  was  fear  lest,  when  the  iron  hand  was 
lifted,  chaos  would  come  and  anarchy.    The  question  was  asked 
with  most  anxiety  of  course  by  foreigners,  especially  Americans, 
who  were  putting  time  and  strength,  money  and  energy  into 
Mexican  enterprises. 

TWO   PHASES   IN    THE    DIAZ   REGIME 

A  Mexican  writer  has  said  that  the  old  regime  must  be  divided 
into  two  periods  if  it  is  to  be  well  understood.  '  '  The  first  period 
covers  the  personal  administration  of  General  Diaz  from  the 
time  when  he  was  elected  for  the  second  term  President  of  the 
Republic  up  to  the  moment  in  which  that  opportunist  party  was 
formed  which  was  called  partido  cientifico,  no  one  knows  why. 
The  second  period  covers  the  time  from  the  moment  when  this 
party  began  to  influence  politics  until  its  abuses  and  deficiencies 
gave  rise  to  the  armed  protest  of  public  opinion.  The  first  period 
merits  only  praise.  The  blemishes,  which  might  mar,  disappear 
in  the  splendor  which  the  country  attained  in  that  so  happy  epoch. 
The  second  offers  a  sinister  picture  of  demoralization  such  as  the 
most  benevolent  of  historians  will  never  be  able  to  dissimulate. " 
It  is  really  well  to  clearly  distinguish  and  sharply  contrast  the 
two  periods  recognized  by  the  Mexican  author. 

MATERIAL    DEVELOPMENT 

It  is  indeed  possible  to  give  too  much  praise  to  Porfirio  Diaz 
for  the  material  development  and  progress  made  by  his  country 

227 


228  AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

under  his  administration.  The  question  may  well  be  asked 
whether  material  development  and  progress  could  have  been 
delayed ;  whether  it  would  not  have  necessarily  taken  place  under 
a  much  less  able  ruler.  It  is  not  true  that  the  material  develop- 
ment of  Mexico  has  been  a  phenomenon;  other  Latin  America 
republics  have  made  similar  development,  and  yet  have  had  no 
man  of  iron,  no  Porfirio  Diaz.  Argentina,  Uruguay,  Chili,  are 
better  developed,  and  on  the  whole  more  safely,  than  Mexico. 
Still  we  are  willing  to  give  the  old  man  credit  for  his  railroads, 
telegraph  systems,  and  works  of  public  improvement.  The  same 
writer  already  quoted,  says:  "The  country  finds  itself  crossed 
in  many  directions  by  the  iron  trackings,  some  of  very  doubtful 
utility,  as  well  as  a  vast  telegraphic  net ;  the  postal  service  is  one 
of  the  most  perfect  of  the  world ;  there  have  been  accomplished 
good  port  improvements,  and  most  important  drainage  systems. 
— Better,  however,  would  have  responded  to  the  exigencies  of 
progress,  less  railroad  and  more  good  trails ;  less  costly  railways 
and  more  cart-roads  accessible  to  traffic ;  less  of  sumptuous  pal- 
aces in  the  capital  city  and  more  of  rural  wealth  and  culture. " 

THE   CIENTIFICOS 

The  cientificos  were,  for  the  most  part,  men  of  ability.  They 
had  no  actual  organization ;  within  the  group  there  were  lesser 
groups  which  viewed  each  other  with  hostility  and  suspicion. 
They  had  no  organization,  no  meetings,  no  announced  platform. 
They  were  shrewd,  ambitious,  heartless  schemers,  who  sur- 
rounded the  President  and  lived  upon  him.  In  so  far  as  the  group 
had  a  leader,  it  was  Limantour.  He  was  the  center.  To  a  large 
degree  he  was  the  brains.  In  so  far  as  the  body  recognized  any 
adviser,  it  recognized  Jose  Yves  Limantour.  In  the  last  cabinet 
of  President  Diaz — before  the  revolution  of  Madero  precipitated 
changes — there  were  at  least  three  badly  defined  cliques  of  diver- 
gent interests.  No  one  of  them  was  strong  enough  to  enter  the 
open  field  and  struggle  for  supremacy  and  leadership.  To 
attempt  to  do  so  was  certain  suicide.  The  cientificos  recognized 
the  lack,  and  their  only  actual  bond  of  interest  was  to  perpetuate 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT?  229 

the  old  man  in  power.  He  recognized  that  he  ought  to  leave  the 
presidency ;  he  was  afraid  to  do  so,  knowing  that  his  disappear- 
ance would  bring  about  a  struggle  between  the  elements  sur- 
rounding him.  They  brought  their  whole  influence  to  bear  upon 
him  to  keep  him  in  his  chair,  well  knowing  that  the  moment  he 
gave  up  control,  their  period  of  plundering  the  people  would 
come  to  an  immediate  end.  In  his  last  years  of  office  the  Presi- 
dent was  afraid  of  his  ministers,  morally,  politically,  physically. 
His  son  said  to  a  friend  of  mine  who  brought  a  matter  of  interest 
to  his  attention,  asking  that  he  present  the  matter  to  his  father : 
"My  father  is  afraid  of  his  ministers;  he  does  what  they  say 
he  must  do,  he  does  nothing  which  they  disapprove."  It  was  a 
sad  sight  to  see  the  man  of  iron  so  weakened  by  the  rust  of  age. 

LIMANTOUR 

Jose  Yves  Limantour  was  for  many  years  the  Secretary  o*f  the 
Treasury  in  Mexico.  On  the  occasion  of  my  first  visit  to  the 
capital  city,  a  friend  at  whose  house  I  visited  spoke  in  high 
praise  of  the  man's  ability  and  devotion  to  his  country.  He  was 
said  to  accept  no  salary  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Liman- 
tour at  that  time  was  not  a  man  of  wealth ;  if  he  had  been  it  is 
doubtful  whether  it  would  be  commendable  for  him  to  serve  his 
country  without  a  salary.  Every  public  servant  is  entitled  to 
reasonable  compensation  for  his  service,  if  it  is  good  service ;  no 
country  can  ever  be  in  such  desperate  financial  straits  that  it  can- 
not afford  to  pay  faithful  public  officers  just  salaries.  The  duty 
of  such  officers  is  to  earn  their  money  and  to  receive  it,  using  it 
as  they  would  any  other  honest  income.  We  have  said  that 
Limantour  was  not  a  rich  man  when  he  went  into  the  Department 
of  the  Treasury ;  yet,  before  much  time  had  passed  in  office,  he 
is  said  to  have  erected  a  300,000-peso  mansion  upon  the  Paseo 
de  la  Reforma.  He  gained  a  great  reputation  as  a  financier. 
When  he  came  into  office,  the  country  had  entered  upon  a  period 
of  prosperity;  there  was  an  annual  surplus  in  the  treasury,  but  it 
was  exhausted  in  paying  the  accumulated  interest  charges  upon 
the  national  debt,  Limantour  went  to  London  and  arranged  the 


230  AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

matter  of  the  debt  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  creditors  and  the 
advantage  of  his  nation.  It  was  really  an  achievement  of  conse- 
quence. But  it  was  highly  overestimated.  It  was  under  Liman- 
tour  that  the  Mexican  government  reformed  its  currency  in 
order  to  escape  the  disastrous  fluctuations  in  exchange  which 
rendered  business  enterprises  uncertain.  He  dealt  with  the 
problem  fairly  well,  but  it  is  one  which  has  been  solved  as  satis- 
factorily in  various  other  countries,  and  it  is  not  certain  that  he 
deserves  the  high  credit  which  he  has  received.  It  is  not  our 
intention  to  detract  from  the  genuine  praise  which  he  deserves ; 
we  only  wish  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  Mexico,  the  world,  Presi- 
dent Diaz,  and  Limantour  himself  took  him  too  seriously  and 
exaggerated  his  importance  as  a  financier  and  political  economist. 

AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

After  Diaz,  what  ?  Years  ago  a  man  who  had  resided  in  Mex- 
ico for  many  years  asked  me  the  question.  I  at  once  replied, 
"Bernardo  Reyes. "  My  interlocutor  queried:  "Who  is  Ber- 
nardo Reyes  ?"  I  refused  to  tell  him,  as  he  was  a  resident  of 
years  in  Mexico.  Months  afterwards  he  wrote  me:  "I  know 
now  who  Bernardo  Keyes  is.  You  are  right.  After  Diaz,  Ber- 
nardo Reyes. "  At  that  time  President  Diaz  had  just  summoned 
Governor  Bernardo  Reyes  from  Monterey,  the  capital  of  his 
State  of  Nuevo  Leon,  and  made  him  Minister  of  War  in  his 
Cabinet. 

BERNARDO   REYES 

At  that  time  Porfirio  Diaz  intended  that  Bernardo  Reyes 
should  succeed  him.  He  made  him  understand  that  fact ;  he  made 
those  associated  with  him  in  government  realize  the  fact;  he 
accustomed  the  people  to  look  to  Reyes.  Reyes  had  qualities. 
On  the  whole,  he  had  not  been  a  bad  governor.  During  his  admin- 
istration his  capital  city  had  made  great  improvement — in 
appearance,  utilities,  hygiene,  education.  .He  did  away  with  the 
whole  vicious  system  of  jefes  politicos.  Further  in  his  favor,  it 
was  to  be  said  that  he  was  not  really  a  cientifico.  We  have  already 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT?  231 

stated  that  that  group  had  no  organization,  no  officers,  no  real 
adviser.  As  one  associated  with  the  president,  he  was  with  the 
cientificos,  but  he  was  not  one  among  them.  In  constant  dealings 
with  them,  he  never  committed  himself  to  the  interests  of  any 
one  of  the  jealous  and  suspicious  schemers.  He  was  a  man  apart. 

A  CHANGE  IN  PKOGRAM 

In  1901  Porfirio  Diaz  had  a  mysterious  illness ;  he  retired  to 
Cuernavaca,  and  it  was  given  out  that  his  condition  was  serious. 
All  sorts  of  guesses  were  made  as  to  his  trouble.  Some  were 
doubtful  and  believed  that  the  old  man  was  practicing  one  of  his 
favorite  tactics.  Not  infrequently,  when  he  wished  to  find  out 
whether  plots  were  being  hatched  against  him,  Porfirio  Diaz 
made  some  pretense  of  physical  or  other  difficulties ;  under  such 
circumstances,  if  a  conspiracy  was  actually  on  foot,  some  signs 
of  it  appeared.  The  old  man  would  immediately  suppress  it 
without  difficulty.  On  this  occasion,  however,  public  opinion 
generally  believed  that  the  old  man  was  dying,  and  anxiety  pre- 
vailed regarding  his  successor.  Bernardo  Reyes  was  publicly 
considered  to  be  already  in  power,  when  President  Diaz  came 
back  from  Cuernavaca.  Whether  his  illness  was  serious  or 
feigned,  whether,  as  many  believed,  he  came  near  death  through 
poison,  he  was  somewhat  piqued  that  people  had  so  easily  sup- 
plied his  place. 

Shortly  after  his  return,  he  presented  a  bill  to  congress  for 
action.  He  desired  authority  at  will  to  appoint  any  one  he  pleased 
to  take  his  place  in  case  of  death,  disability,  or  absence  from  the 
country.  For  many  years  congress  had*  been  complaisant  to 
every  wish  of  the  great  dictator.  On  this  occasion  they  hesitated 
and  quibbled;  for  the  first  time  in  many  years  the  president 
found  himself  opposed.  The  point  made  by  congress  was  that  it 
would  be  much  better  for  the  position  of  Vice-President  to  be 
restored  and  for  a  definite  Vice-President  to  be  elected  at  the 
same  time  with  the  President,  to  take  his  place  in  case  of 
necessity. 


232 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 


d  ^ 

1  § 

§1 

3S 
a  g 

"I 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT?  233 

EEYES  VERSUS  LIMANTOUR 

It  was  now  realized  quite  generally  that  the  President  himself 
was  not  likely  to  appoint  Reyes  as  his  successor.  He  had  been 
greatly  impressed  by  the  work  of  Limantour ;  he  had  come  to  feel 
that  the  money  problem  was  the  great  question  before  the  nation ; 
his  views  had  changed ;  it  was  believed  that  what  he  wanted  was 
to  name  Limantour  in  place  of  Reyes.  A  furore  of  excitement 
rose  in  Mexico.  Politics  became  popular.  Not  only  outside 
thinkers,  but  the  cientificos  themselves  divided.  There  were 
definite  parties  for  Reyes  and  Limantour — there  were  Eeyesistas 
and  Limantouristas.  The  fight  between  the  two  men  waxed  warm. 
The  opposition  journals  brought  up  the  question  whether  Liman- 
tour was  really  a  citizen  of  the  republic,  and  therefore  eligible 
for  the  position  of  vice-president  or  president ;  his  father  was  a 
citizen  of  France,  and  while  Limantour  himself  was  born  in 
Mexico,  his  father  ever  continued  to  pride  himself  upon  his  being 
a  foreigner,  a  Frenchman.  It  was  also  claimed  that  Limantour 
was  a  Jew;  this  in  Mexico  means  much.  President  Diaz  was 
absolutely  afraid  to  push  the  matter  to  an  issue.  He  felt  that  he 
could  not  force  Limantour  upon  the  people ;  he  determined  that 
his  old  favorite,  Reyes,  should  not  win  against  his  candidate. 

RAMON   CORRAL  ENTERS 

The  result  of  the  whole  movement  was  the  reestablishment 
of  the  vice-presidency.  Bernardo  Eeyes  was  removed  from  the 
cabinet  and  returned  to  Monterey,  as  governor  of  his  state.  A 
new  candidate  was  substituted  for  the  two  who  had  been  strug- 
gling for  the  office.  It  was  Eamon  Corral,  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Sonora.  The  acquaintance  between  Diaz  and  Corral  was  one 
of  old  date.  Corral  was  hated  as  few  men  in  Mexico.  This  hatred 
was  partly  due  to  his  supplanting  the  popular  idol — for  Bernardo 
Reyes  had  been  a  popular  idol ;  it  was  partly  because  he  would 
clearly  be  the  continuator  of  President  Diaz'  attitude  and 
methods ;  it  was  partly  because  he  represented  the  brutal  type  of 
vulgar  exploiters  of  the  people,  the  grafter,  which  the  cientificos 


234  AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

had  made  so  well  known.  Under  him  there  would  be  no  hope,  and 
the  frightful  exploitation  of  the  country  would  be  continued. 
While  a  man  with  force,  with  few  friends  and  uncertain  affilia- 
tions, he  was  to  President  Diaz  a  most  subservient  assistant.  His 
loyalty  was  genuine,  but  it  was  associated  with  a  cringing  yield- 
ing hard  to  understand  in  a  man  so  harsh  and  firm  to  all  other 
persons. 

HIS  CHARACTER 

The  author  already  quoted  says  in  regard  to  Ramon  Corral : 
"The  motives  which  General  Diaz  had  for  fixing  himself  upon 
Senor  Corral,  are  not  well  known ;  it  is  said  that  they  were  great 
friends  which,  though  certain,  is  not  sufficient  reason  why  the 
President  should  seek  him  as  his  probable  successor  in  command. 
It  is  also  said  that  his  candidacy  had  been  little  less  than  forced 
by  Yankee  diplomacy  which  counted  upon  a  good  ally  in  Don 
Eamon  Corral,  connected  already  in  his  private  business  with 
great  North  American  enterprises.  Nor  is  it  improbable,  from 
the  energetic  character  which  Seiior  Corral  showed  that  he 
possessed  that,  while  governor  of  the  State  of  Sonora,  he 
promised  to  Don  Porfirio  Diaz  that  his  policy  of  peace  and  change 
from  brutal  oppression  would  be  continued  by  him.  He  was 
elected  vice-president  against  public  opinion  which  did  not  see  in 
him  a  man  of  the  necessary  talents  and  prestige  for  so  delicate  a 
charge,  apart  from  the  repugnance  with  which  they  saw  a 
governor,  product  of  the  double  insistence  of  General  Diaz  and  of 
the  government  at  Washington. ' ' 

RETIREMENT  AND  EXILE  OF  REYES 

Bernardo  Eeyes  returned  to  Monterey  and  resumed  the  gov- 
ernorship of  his  state  of  Neuvo  Leon.  He  there  had  some  excit- 
ing times ;  there  were  local  disturbances — attributed  by  many  to 
influences  from  the  capital  city.  However,  the  ex-minister  of 
war  attended  to  business,  and  emerged  from  his  difficulties  with 
fair  credit.  As  the  elections  of  1910  approached,  he  was  much 
talked  of  as  candidate  for  vice-president.  A  strong  movement 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT  ?  235 

was  started  by  his  friends  in  Ms  favor.  No  doubt  in  a  fair  election 
he  would  have  stood  considerable  chance  of  being  elected.  It  is 
even  possible  that,  under  such  circumstances,  he  might  have  stood 
as  candidate  for  a  yet  higher  office.  Personal  ambition,  loyalty 
to  principles,  a  spirit  of  high  patriotism — all  urged  him  to  accept 
the  nomination  and  lead  the  movement.  But  he  vacillated;  he 
finally  printed  a  manifesto;  publicly  and  privately  he  told  his 
friends  that  he  would  do  nothing  against  the  wishes  of  the 
president.  He  could  not  have  done  a  less  wise  thing;  whatever 
damage  his  candidacy  could  do  had  already  been  accomplished ; 
his  friends  and  followers  were  left  in  a  sad  plight.  His  patron, 
the  friend  for  whose  wishes  he  expressed  such  high  regard,  was 
already  hostilized.  In  disgrace  he  was  sent  to  Europe  on  a  mili- 
tary mission.  Everybody  knew  that  it  was  actually  exile. 

THE  END  OF  REYES 

Yet  the  public  had  become  accustomed  to  the  thought — After 
Diaz,  Eeyes.  When  his  power  was  tottering  near  its  crash,  Diaz 
telegraphed  for  his  old  favorite.  Who  knows  what  hopes  he 
cherished  in  that  hour  of  desperation !  Reyes  lingered  in  Havana, 
and  finally  arrived  in  Vera  Cruz  by  the  same  steamer  Ypiringa, 
by  which  the  ex-president  left  the  Republic.  Reyes,  humbled, 
went  to  Mexico.  He  entered  into  compact  with  de  la  Barra  and 
Francisco  I.  Madero.  He  agreed  that  true  patriotism  required 
his  falling  into  line  with  existing  conditions,  and  promised  not  to 
interfere  with  the  natural  course  of  things  in  the  coming  election. 
Afterwards  he  changed  his  mind,  probably  under  the  influence  of 
some  supporters  of  the  old  regime,  who  believed  that  he  might 
still  retain  much  of  his  one-time  popularity,  and  entered  the  lists 
as  a  presidential  candidate  in  the  fall  of  1911.  He  was  stoned 
upon  the  streets;  the  popular  idol  had  hopelessly  fallen;  his 
irresolution  and  weakening  when  the  people  demanded  his  leader- 
ship on  two  occasions  had  chilled  the  popular  affections.  Politi- 
cally, as  a  military  leader,  as  a  man,  he  had  lost  his  hold.  His 
candidacy  counted  for  nothing.  With  Madero 's  ascent  to  power, 
he  fled  to  the  United  States ;  there  he  still  dreamed  of  power,  and 


236 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 


AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 


237 


I'noto.  by  Paul  Thompson,  N.  Y. 


BEENAEDO  EEYES. 


238  AFTER  DIAZ,  WHAT? 

organized  a  revolution.  He  is  said  to  have  issued  various  mani- 
festos, and  a  revolutionary  plan.  In  December,  1911,  he  crossed 
again  into  Mexico.  He  expected  an  uprising  in  his  favor ;  he  felt 
sure  that  thousands  would  rally  to  his  call.  No  one  rallied  to  him. 
With  a  few  friends  and  servants,  he  wandered  at  night,  seeking 
his  promised  supporters,  and  finally,  worn  out  and  hopeless, 
surrendered  himself  at  Linares,  December  25th.  It  was  a  sad 
Christmas  for  the  man  who,  at  one  time,  was  expected  to  be  the 
president  of  Mexico.  In  his  surrender  Eeyes  said:  "With  my 
presentation  in  Linares,  my  public  life  comes  to  an  end,  and  my 
actual  existence  is  placed  at  the  disposition  of  legal  action :  but 
under  this  conception  I  have  worked  as  I  have  done  because  I 
judge  myself  powerless  to  make  a  regular  war  which  will  give 
results;  I  have  accepted,  then,  this  sacrifice  with  the  end  of 
avoiding  the  prolongation  of  sterile  revolts  in  the  Republic. " 

General  Reyes  was  tried  and  sentenced  to  the  Santiago  prison 
in  the  City  of  Mexico. 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 
"BARBAROUS  MEXICO" — A  FLOOD  OF  ANSWER — TURNER 's  BOOK  TRUE — 

LAND   CONFISCATION PLANTATION    SLAVERY   IN    YUCATAN VALLE 

NACIONAL THE    RAILWAY    DEAL AMERICAN    PARTNERSHIP    WITH 

DIAZ WEAK  POINTS  IN  "BARBAROUS  MEXICO." 

ON  ACCOUNT  of  the  material  prosperity  which  seemed  to 
prevail,  and  the  great  progress  which  Mexico  seemed 
to  have  made  under  the  government  of  Porfirio  Diaz, 
there  was  constant  adulation  of  the  great  man.     Foreigners 
particularly  were  fond  of  speaking  of  him  as  a  great  states- 
man, a  wise  ruler,  and  a  constructive  administrator.    His  per- 
sonal character  was  praised  in  terms  of  fulsome  flattery.     It 
was  rare  indeed  that  any  voice  was  raised  in  protest,  or  any 
word  of  criticism  was  to  be  heard. 

BARBAROUS    MEXICO 

In  1909,  however,  there  appeared  in  several  numbers  of  the 
American  Magazine  articles  by  John  Kenneth  Turner.  They 
created  a  veritable  sensation.  They  were  a  vigorous  assault 
upon  Diaz  personally,  and  upon  his  whole  political  and  economic 
system,  and  upon  the  partnership  which  it  was  asserted  existed 
between  the  great  dictator  and  the  American  Government.  The 
series  had  been  begun  with  a  great  flourish  of  trumpets;  but, 
after  a  few  of  the  articles  were  printed,  the  publishers  of  the 
magazine  decided  to  discontinue  them.  This  could  not  possibly 
have  been  because  the  public  were  not  interested  in  them;  nor 
was  it  because  the  facts  which  they  contained  were  false;  nor 
was  it  because  the  man  had  exhausted  his  field  of  study;  nor 
because  the  publishers  were  finding  that  the  series  took  more 
space  in  the  magazine  than  had  been  anticipated.  The  series, 
however,  ceased,  and  Mr.  Turner  was  forced  to  print  his  later 
articles  in  another  journal.  All  his  articles  were  finally  reprinted 
in  book  form  in  1911  under  the  title  of  "Barbarous  Mexico." 

239 


240  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

In  book  form  his  writing  has  met  with  fair  success,  but  the  time- 
liness and  importance  of  it  was  in  its  first  appearance  in  the 
periodicals. 

A  FLOOD  OF  ANSWER 

To  many  people  what  Turner  said  was  a  surprise.  To  many 
it  was  so  shocking  as  to  seem  incredible.  It  was  hard  to  believe 
that,  in  the  nineteenth — nay,  in  the  twentieth — century,  things 
could  be  as  he  presented  them ;  it  was  felt  that  he  must  have  made 
mistakes  or  lied.  A  flood  of  articles  was  written  to  refute  him. 
They  varied  from  the  crudest  and  most  ignorant  assertions  of 
the  uninformed  up  to  the  most  skilfully  constructed  and  forcibly 
presented  arguments.  A  host  of  writers  came  to  the  support  of 
fhe  assailed  ruler  and  the  discredited  system.  Among  the  flood 
of  contributions  to  this  defense,  two  books  particularly  were 
interesting.  One  was  a  book  by  Jose  F.  Godoy,  the  Mexican 
Minister  to  Cuba.  It  is  entitled,  "Porfirio  Diaz,  President  of 
Mexico. "  It  is  the  strangest  book  ever  put  out  by  an  American 
publisher  with  the  idea  of  selling  it  in  the  open  market  for  a  fair 
price.  How  any  professional  publishing  house  of  good  standing 
could  consent  to  offer  it  is  incomprehensible.  Seventy  pages  of 
fulsome  flattery  by  prominent  Americans  form  an  important 
part  of  this  strange  document.  The  other  book  was  written  to 
order  by  James  Creelman.  It  is  unnecessary  to  make  further 
comment  upon  it.  It  is  interesting  of  course — Creelman  writes 
well ;  it  is  entitled,  ' t  Porfirio  Diaz — the  Man. "  It  is  easily  acces- 
sible to  all  who  care  to  read  it.  Porfirio  Diaz  was  always  ready 
to  pay  well  for  biographical  work  in  his  behalf.  As  far  back  as 
1899  it  was  suggested  to  me  that  it  would  be  a  work  of  patriotism, 
of  recognition  of  high  worth,  of  encouragement  of  a  nation  strug- 
gling toward  advancement  under  a  wise  ruler,  to  prepare  a 
volume  upon  the  life  and  work  of  the  great  ruler;  it  was  sug- 
gested to  me  at  the  time  that  such  a  work  would  not  fail  of  recog- 
nition, and  that  time  spent  in  its  preparation  would  be  profitably 
employed ;  it  was  asserted  that,  financially,  the  effort  would  be 
much  more  remunerative  than  study  of  mountain  Indians;  the 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  241 

suggestion  was  semi-official,  but  I  had  no  time  nor  inclination  to 
act  upon  it.  There  were,  however,  plenty  of  others  who  had  no 
matters  of  serious  importance  to  occupy  their  time  and  thought. 
Many  such  have  given  the  world  biographical  sketches  of  the 
great  ruler.  Thus,  after  producing  the  truly  remarkable  work, 
"Mexico  as  I  Saw  It,"  Mrs.  J.  Alec  Tweedie  returned  to  Mex- 
ico to  prepare  a  life  of  Porfirio  Diaz ;  that  she  had  exceptional 
opportunities  to  present  the  whole  truth  to  the  world  is  sug- 
gested by  the  fact  that  the  private  journals  and  papers  of  the 
President  were  put  at  her  disposition. 


TURNER'S  BOOK  TRUE 


John  Kenneth  Turner's  book  is  true.  It  could  not  possibly 
have  made  so  much  commotion  otherwise.  Had  it  been  false, 
it  would  have  fallen  of  its  own  weight;  there  would  have  been 
no  need  of  refutation.  The  simple  life  of  the  old  ruler  and  the 
fact  of  Mexico  itself  would  be  sufficient  answer  if  Turner  were  a 
liar.  The  facts  he  states  unfortunately  are  true.  We  believe 
that  he  draws  mistaken  inferences,  that  he  is  at  times  unfortunate 
in  judgment,  but  his  facts  are  real.  He  says  in  the  very  brief 
note  of  preface  to  his  book :  ' '  The  term  '  barbarous, '  which  I  use 
in  my  title,  is  intended  to  apply  to  Mexico 's  form  of  government 
rather  than  to  its  people."  It  was  perhaps  the  quickest  way 
to  get  a  hearing.  It  is  an  unjust  title.  It  has  been  misunderstood 
both  in  this  country  and  in  Mexico.  People  who  have  not  read 
the  book  assume  of  course  that  it  is  an  attack  upon  the  people 
of  our  neighboring  republic.  In  Mexico  itself  the  name  stung 
bitterly.  Thousands  of  high-spirited,  well-meaning  men,  who 
know  no  English  and  have  never  seen  the  book  or  know  its  line 
of  argument,  have  felt  outraged  by  the  title.  Of  course  it  may 
be  said  that  people  who  do  not  read  a  book  have  no  right  to 
express  an  opinion  on  it  or  to  be  influenced  by  a  mere  name.  It 
is  true,  however,  that  even  among  ourselves  such  things  take 
place,  and  in  Mexico  there  has  been  much  feeling  against  Mr. 
Turner  by  people  who,  if  they  knew  what  he  has  said,  would 
find  that  he  was  championing  their  cause,  fighting  their  battle. 


242  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

Mr.  Turner's  articles  were  actually  a  voice  in  the  wilder- 
ness. They  contain  many  true  things  well  and  forcibly  said; 
they  were  written  with  a  keen  sense  of  the  wrongs  from  which 
the  people  of  Mexico  were  suffering.  Out  of  the  many  things 
which  he  discusses  we  shall  consider  five  only — the  confiscation 
of  land,  the  drifting  of  Indians  into  slavery,  the  drifting  of 
Mexicans  into  forced  service,  the  iniquitous  railroad  deal,  and 
the  American  partnership. 

LAND    CONFISCATION 

Under  the  Diaz  regime,  brilliant  and  splendid,  thousands  of 
Mexicans — Indians  and  mestizos — who  had  been  little  land- 
holders were  absolutely  robbed  of  their  small  holdings.  This 
was  done  of  course  under  cover  of  law.  It  affected  whole  tribes 
of  Indians ;  it  blotted  out  entire  villages  of  simple  and  relatively 
happy,  industrious  people.  In  this  matter  Turner  speaks  as 
follows:  "In  a  previous  chapter  I  showed  how  the  lands  of 
the  Yaquis  were  taken  from  them  and  given  to  political  favorites 
of  the  ruler.  The  lands  of  the  Mayas,  of  Yucatan,  now  enslaved 
by  the  henequen  planters,  were  taken  from  them  in  almost  the 
same  manner.  The  final  act  of  this  confiscation  was  accomplished 
in  the  year  1904,  when  the  national  government  set  aside  the  last 
of  their  lands  into  a  Territory,  called  Quintana  Roo.  This  Terri- 
tory contained  43,000  square  kilometers,  or  27,000  square  miles. 
It  is  larger  than  the  present  state  of  Yucatan  by  8,000  square 
kilometers,  and  moreover,  is  the  most  promising  land  of  the 
entire  peninsula.  It  was  turned  over  in  practical  possession  to 
eight  Mexican  politicians.  ...  In  like  manner,  the  Mayos 
of  Sonora,  the  Papagos,  the  Tomasachics — in  fact,  practically  all 
the  native  peoples  of  Mexico — have  been  reduced  to  peonage,  if 
not  to  slavery. ' ' 

— "This    is    why    the    typical    Mexican 

farm  is  a  millionaire  farm,  why  it  has  been  so  easy  for  such 
Americans  as  William  Randolph  Hearst,  Harrison  Gray  Otis, 
E.  H.  Harriman,  the  Rockefellers,  the  Guggenheims,  and  numer- 
ous others,  each  to  have  obtained  possession  of  millions  of 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  243 

Mexican  acres.  This  is  why  Secretary  of  Fomento  Molina  holds 
more  than  fifteen  million  acres  of  the  soil  of  Mexico,  why  ex- 
Governor  Terrazas  of  Chihuahua,  owns  15,000,000  acres  of  soil 
of  that  state,  why  Finance  Minister  Limantour,  Mrs.  Porfirio 
Diaz,  Vice-President  Corral,  Governor  Pimentel  of  Chiapas, 
Governor  Landa  y  Escandon  of  the  Federal  District,  Governor 
Pablo  Escandon  of  Morelos,  Governor  Ahumada  of  Jalisco, 
Governor  Cosio  of  Querretero,  Governor  Mercado  of  Michoacan, 
Governor  Canedo  of  Sinaloa,  Governor  Chauantzi  of  Tlaxcala, 
and  many  other  members  of  the  Diaz  machine  are  not  only 
millionaires,  but  millionaires  in  Mexican  real  estate. ' ' 

As  to  the  method,  Turner  says :  i  i  Chief  among  the  methods 
used  in  getting  the  lands  away  from  the  people  in  general,  was  a 
land  registration  law  which  Diaz  fathered.  This  law  permitted 
any  person  to  go  out  and  claim  any  land  to  which  the  possessor 
could  not  prove  a  recorded  title.  Since,  up  to  the  time  the  law 
was  enacted,  it  was  not  the  custom  to  record  titles,  this  meant  all 
the  lands  of  Mexico.  When  a  man  possessed  a  home  which  his 
father  had  possessed  before  him,  which  his  grandfather  had  pos- 
sessed, which  his  great-grandfather  had  possessed,  and  which 
had  been  in  the  family  as  far  back  as  history  knew,  he  consid- 
ered that  he  owned  that  home,  all  of  his  neighbors  considered 
that  he  owned  it,  and  all  governments  up  to  that  of  Diaz  recog- 
nized his  right  to  that  home." 

It  is  true  that,  under  the  operation  of  these  new  laws  regard- 
ing the  registration  of  properties  in  land,  and  the  denouncement 
of  non-registered  property,  thousands  of  ignorant  but  indus- 
trious Indians  were  dispossessed.  In  many  cases  the  land  they 
occupied  was  taken  over  in  such  enormous  bulk  by  the 
denouncers  that  whole  towns  became  peons  to  the  new  owners. 
That  such  things  should  lead  to  restlessness,  to  complaints,  and 
even  to  hostile  outbreaks,  was  to  be  expected.  Turner  continues : 
"Cases  of  more  recent  blood-spillings  in  the  same  cause  are 
numerous.  Hardly  a  month  passes  to-day  without  there  being 
one  or  more  reports  in  Mexican  papers  of  disturbances,  the 
result  of  the  confiscation  of  homes  either  through  the  denuncia- 


244  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

tion  method  or  the  excuse  of  non-payment  of  taxes.  Notable 
among  these  was  the  case  of  San  Andreas,  state  of  Chihuahua, 
which  was  exploited  by  the  Mexican  press  in  April,  1909.  .  .  . 
The  state  authorities  confiscated  lands  of  several  scores  of 
farmers,  the  excuse  being  that  the  owners  were  delinquent  in 
their  taxes.  The  farmers  resisted  in  a  body,  and  two  car-loads 
of  troops,  hurried  to  the  scene  from  the  capital  of  the  state, 
promptly  cleaned  them  out,  shooting  some  and  chasing  half  a 
hundred  of  them  into  the  mountains.  Here  they  stayed  until 
starved  out,  when  they  straggled  back,  begging  for  mercy.  As 
they  came,  they  were  thrown  into  jail,  men,  women  and  children.  * ' 

PLANTATION   SLAVERY  IN  YUCATAN 

Closely  related  to  this  land  confiscation,  with  the  resultant 
beggary  brought  to  thousands,  was  the  drifting  of  the  victims 
from  their  old  homes  to  new  places  where  they  became  actual 
slaves  upon  plantations.  Dispossessed  owners  of  little  prop- 
erties are  inconvenient  to  have  around.  They  are  sure  to  be 
discontented ;  they  may  be  dangerous.  Not  only  so.  The  condi- 
tions of  agricultural  labor  in  the  hot  lands  of  the  Republic  pre- 
sented an  opportunity  of  not  only  getting  rid  of  this  discontented 
element,  but  of  profiting  financially  by  their  removal.  Prob- 
ably that  part  of  Mr.  Turner's  writings  which  made  the  strong- 
est impression  upon  the  readers  was  this  matter.  Indians  in 
great  numbers  were  removed,  on  one  pretext  or  another,  from 
their  native  land  and  were  transferred  to  Yucatan  and  other  dis- 
tricts where  plantation  help  was  necessary.  Such  transferred 
Indians  had  a  definite  market  price.  The  business  was  very 
profitable.  Governors,  jefes  politicos,  and  political  officials,  all 
profited  handsomely  by  the  business.  The  unlucky  Indians  of 
course  were  slaves  in  fact,  though  perhaps  not  slaves  in  name. 
A  few  quotations  from  Turner  will  be  sufficient:  "The  masters 
of  Yucatan  do  not  call  their  systems  slavery;  they  call  them 
enforced  service  for  debt.  l  We  do  not  consider  that  we  own  our 
laborers;  we  consider  that  they  are  in  debt  to  us.  And  we  do 
not  consider  that  we  buy  and  sell  them;  we  consider  that  we 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  245 

transfer  the  debt,  and  the  man  goes  with  the  debt. '  "  .  The  first 
slave  debtors  in  Yucatan  were  the  Maya  Indians  of  the  region. 
Indians  from  other  districts,  however,  were  imported  in  great 
numbers,  and  among  these  the  favorites  were  the  strong  and  well 
built  Yaquis  from  the  far  northwest. 

"The  Yaquis  are  transferred  on  exactly  the  same  basis  as 
the  Mayas — the  market  price  of  the  slaves — and  yet  all  the  peo- 
ple of  Yucatan  know  that  the  planters  pay  only  sixty-five  dol- 
lars apiece  to  the  government  for  each  Yaqui.  I  was  offered  for 
four  hundred  dollars  each,  Yaquis  who  had  not  been  in  the 
country  a  month,  and  consequently  had  had  no  opportunity  of 
rolling  up  a  debt  that  would  account  for  a  difference  in  price. ' ' 

"Why  do  the  henequen  kings  call  their 

system  enforced  service  for  debt  instead  of  by  the  right  name? 
Probably  for  two  reasons — because  the  system  is  the  outgrowth 
of  a  milder  system  of  actual  service  for  debt,  and  because  of  the 
prejudice  against  the  word  ' slavery'  both  among  Mexicans  and 
foreigners.  Service  for  debt  in  a  milder  form  than  is  found  in 
Yucatan  exists  all  over  Mexico,  and  is  called  peonage.  Under 
this  system  political  authorities  everywhere  recognize  the  right 
of  an  employer  to  take  the  body  of  a  laborer  who  is  in  debt  to 
him  and  to  compel  the  laborer  to  work  out  the  debt.  If  once  the 
employer  can  compel  the  laborer  to  work,  he  can  compel  him  to 
work  on  his  own  terms,  and  that  means  that  he  can  work  him 
on  such  terms  as  will  never  permit  the  laborer  to  extricate  him- 
self from  his  debt. ' ' 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that,  in  the  above  quotations,  the  govern- 
ment is  mentioned  as  receiving  sixty-five  dollars  each  for  Yaquis. 
The  excuse  for  transferring  the  Yaquis  was  that  they  had  been 
at  war  with  the  Diaz  government.  It  was  asserted  that  the  only 
way  to  end  their  warfare  was  to  transfer  them  from  their  homes 
to  other  parts  of  the  republic.  The  Yaqui  wars  of  course  were, 
for  the  most  part,  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Indians  had  been 
robbed  of  their  lands.  Transportation,  however,  was  applied 
not  only  to  those  Indians  who  had  been  at  war,  but  to  non-resist- 
ing peaceful  Indians  as  well. 


246  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

* '  These  Yaquis, ' '  he  said,  ' '  sell  in  Yucatan  for  sixty-five  dol- 
lars apiece — men,  women  and  children.  Who  gets  the  money? 
Well,  ten  dollars  goes  to  me  for  my  services,  the  rest  is  turned 
over  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  This,  however,  is  only  a  drop  in 
the  bucket,  for  I  know  this  to  be  a  fact,  that  every  foot  of  land, 
every  building,  every  cow,  every  burro,  everything  left  behind  by 
the  Yaquis  when  they  are  carried  away  by  soldiers,  is  appro- 
priated for  the  private  use  of  authorities  of  the  state  of  Sonora." 

Not  only  warring  Yaquis  and  peaceful  Yaquis  were  in  dan- 
ger in  northwestern  Mexico.  Others  who  were  not  Yaquis  were 
likely  to  be  seized  and  transferred  to  the  hot  lands  where  their 
services  were  in  so  great  demand.  "  'We  were  one  hundred  and 
fifty-three  at  the  start,  we  of  Ures,'  went  on  the  old  man,  'farm 
laborers,  all  of  us.  We  worked  for  small  farmers,  poor  men,  men 
with  no  more  than  half  a  dozen  families  each  in  their  employ. 
One  day  a  government  agent  visited  the  neighborhood  and 
ordered  the  bosses  to  give  an  account  of  all  their  laborers.  The 
bosses  obeyed,  but  they  did  not  know  what  it  meant,  until  a  few 
days  later  when  the  soldiers  came.  Then  they  knew,  and  they 
saw  ruin  coming  to  us  and  to  them.  They  begged  the  officers, 
saying,  "This  is  my  peon.  He  is  a  good  man.  He  has  been  with 
me  for  twenty  years.  I  need  him  for  the  harvest. ' ' 

Turner  tells  us  something  about  the  Yaquis  after  they  reach 
their  new  home :  "In  Yucatan  I  soon  learned  what  became  of 
the  Yaqui  exiles.  They  are  sent  to  the  henequen  plantations  as 
slaves,  slaves  on  almost  the  same  basis  as  all  the  hundred  thou- 
sand Mayas  whom  I  found  on  the  plantations.  They  are  held  as 
chattels,  they  are  bought  and  sold,  they  receive  no  wages,  but  are 
fed  on  beans,  potatoes,  and  on  putrid  fish.  They  are  beaten, 
sometimes  beaten  to  death.  They  are  worked  from  dawn  until 
night  in  the  hot  sun  beside  the  Mayas.  The  men  are  locked  up  at 
night.  The  women  are  required  to  marry  Chinamen  or  Mayas. 
They  are  hunted  when  they  run  away,  and  are  brought  back  by 
the  police  if  they  reach  a  settlement.  Families  broken  up  in  So- 
nora,  or  on  the  way,  are  never  permitted  to  reunite.  After  they 
once  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  planters,  the  government  cares  no 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  247 

more  for  them,  takes  no  more  account  of  them.  The  govern- 
ment has  received  its  money,  and  the  fate  of  the  Yaquis  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  planter." 

VALLE  NACIONAL 

For  my  own  part,  while  this  whole  matter  of  the  henequen 
slaves  of  Yucatan  is  hideous,  it  seems  to  me  less  so  than  the  con- 
ditions of  Valle  Nacional.  For  years  I  have  been  hearing  the 
common  people  of  Mexico  talk  with  bated  breath  of  Valle 
Nacional.  The  horror  of  it  is  that  no  poor  man  was  safe.  It  was 
not  only  Indians — in  fact  it  was  not  Indians — but  mestizos  who 
were  drifted  thither.  I  know  personally  hundreds  of  well-inten- 
tioned, moderately  educated,  industrious  laboring  men  of  Mexico 
to  whom  the  thought  of  Valle  Nacional  is  a  veritable  nightmare. 
Of  it  and  the  unfortunates  drifted  thither  Turner  speaks  at 
length.  He  says:  "In  Yucatan  the  Maya  slaves  die  off  faster 
than  they  are  born,  and  two-thirds  of  the  Yaqui  slaves  are  killed 
during  the  first  year  after  their  importation  into  the  country.  In 
Valle  Nacional  all  of  the  slaves,  all  but  a  very  few — perhaps 
five  per  cent — pass  back  to  earth  within  the  space  of  seven  or 
eight  months.  This  statement  is  almost  unbelievable.  I  would 
not  have  believed  it,  possibly  not  even  after  I  had  seen  the  whole 
process  of  working  them,  and  beating  them,  and  starving  them 
to  death,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  masters  themselves  told 
me  that  it  is  true.  And  there  are  fifteen  thousand  of  these  Valle 
Nacional  slaves — fifteen  thousand  new  ones  every  year." 

"The  slaves  of  Valle  Nacional  are  not 

Indians,  as  are  the  slaves  of  Yucatan.  They  are  Mexicans.  Some 
are  skilled  artisans,  others  are  artists.  The  majority  of  them  are 
common  laborers.  As  a  whole,  except  for  their  rags,  their  bruises, 
their  squalor,  and  their  despair,  they  are  a  very  fair  representa- 
tion of  the  Mexican  people.  They  are  not  criminals.  Not  more 
than  ten  per  cent  were  even  charged  with  any  crime.  The  rest  of 
them  are  peaceful,  law-abiding  citizens.  Yet  not  one  came  to  the 
valley  of  his  own  free  will,  not  one  would  not  leave  the  valley  on 
an  instant's  notice  if  he  or  she  could  get  away." 

<  <  There  are  just  two  ways  employed  to 


248  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

get  them  there.  They  are  sent  over  the  road  either  by  a  jefe 
politico  or  by  a  labor  agent  working  in  conjunction  with  a  jefe 
politico  or  other  officials  of  the  government. ' ' 

—"The  methods  employed  by  the  jefe 

politico  working  alone  are  very  simple.  Instead  of  sending  petty 
prisoners  to  terms  in  jail,  he  sells  them  into  slavery  in  Valle 
Nacional.  And  as  he  pockets  the  money  himself,  he  naturally 
arrests  as  many  persons  as  he  can.  This  method  is  followed 
more  or  less  by  the  jefes  politicos  of  all  the  leading  cities  of 
southern  Mexico. '  ' 

"In  this  partnership  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  labor  agent,  popularly  called  '  enganchador' 
(snarer),  the  function  of  the  labor  agent  is  to  ensnare  the  laborer, 
the  function  of  the  government  to  stand  behind  him,  help  him, 
protect  him,  give  him  low  transportation  rates,  and  free  guard 
service,  and  finally  to  take  a  share  of  the  profits. " 

—"I  have  heard  of  many  cases  of  the 

kidnapping  of  men  and  women.  Hundreds  of  half-drunken  men 
are  picked  up  about  the  pulque  shops  of  Mexico  City  every 
season,  put  under  lock  and  key,  and  later  hurried  off  to  Valle 
Nacional.  Children  also  are  regularly  kidnapped  for  the  Valle 
Nacional  trade.  The  official  records  of  Mexico  City  say  that, 
during  the  year  ending  September  first,  1908,  three  hundred  and 
sixty  little  boys  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twelve  disappeared 
from  the  streets.  Some  of  these  were  later  located  in  Valle 
Nacional. ' ' 

—"The  jefe  politico  of  Pachuca  has  a 

contract  with  Candido  Fernandez,  owner  of  the  tobacco  planta- 
tion, San  Cristobal  la  Vega,  whereby  he  agrees  to  deliver  five 
hundred  able-bodied  laborers  a  year  for  fifty  pesos  each.  The 
jefe  politico  gets  special  nominal  government  rates  on  the  rail- 
roads, his  guards  are  paid  for,  so  that  the  four  days'  trip  from 
Pachuca  costs  him  only  three  and  a  half  pesos  per  man.  This 
leaves  him  six  and  a  half  pesos.  From  this  he  must  pay  some- 
thing to  the  governor,  Pedro  L.  Rodriguez  and  something  to  the 
jefe  politico  at  Tuxtepec;  but  even  then  his  profits  are  large." 
We  have  said  that  no  man  was  safe  unless  rich ;  all  kinds  of 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  249 

tradesmen  and  artisans  were  in  danger.  "Yes,"  exclaimed 
Antonio  Pla,  "some  of. the  best  artisans  in  the  country  came 
right  here — in  one  way  or  another.  We  get  carpenters  and 
cabinet  makers  and  upholsterers  and  everything.  Why,  on  my 
ranches  I  have  had  teachers  and  actresses  and  artists,  and  one 
time  I  even  had  an  ex-priest. ' ' 

— — "I  was  a  carpenter,  and  a  good  one- 
six  years  ago.  I  lived  with  my  brother  and  sister  in  Mexico  City. 
My  brother  was  a  student — he  was  only  in  his  teens — my  sister 
attended  to  the  little  house  that  I  paid  for  out  of  my  wages.  We 
were  not  poor — no,  we  were  happy.  Then  work  in  my  trade  fell 
slack,  and  one  evening  I  met  a  friend  who  told  me  of  employment 
he  had  in  Vera  Cruz,  at  three  pesos  a  day,  a  long  job. ' ' 

The  business  was  a  profitable  one  and  placed  many  in  a  posi- 
tion of  luxury.  "Seiior  P.  was  kind  enough  to  tell  us  what 
became  of  the  fifty  pesos  he  received  for  each  of  his  slaves.  Five 
pesos,  he  said,  went  to  Rodolfo  Pardo,  jefe  politico  of  Tuxtepec, 
ten  to  Felix  Diaz  for  every  slave  taken  out  of  Mexico  City,  and 
ten  to  the  mayor  of  the  city,  or  jefe  politico  of  the  district  from 
whence  came  the  other  slaves.  l  The  fact  that  I  am  a  brother-in- 
law  of  Felix  Diaz/  said  Seiior  P.,  'as  well  as  a  personal  friend 
of  the  governors  of  the  states  of  Oaxaca  and  Vera  Cruz,  and  of 
the  mayors  of  the  cities  of  the  same  name,  puts  me  in  a  position 
to  supply  your  wants  better  than  any  one  else.  I  am  prepared 
to  furnish  you  any  number  of  laborers  up  to  forty  thousand  a 
year,  men,  women  and  children,  and  my  price  is  fifty  pesos  each. 
Children  workers  last  better  than  adults,  and  I  advise  you  to 
use  them  in  preference  to  others/ 

THE  RAILWAY  DEAL 

An  example  of  the  gigantic  scale  on  which  the  people  were 
taxed  that  rulers  might  grow  rich  is  found  in  the  nationaliza- 
tion of  the  Mexican  railways.  The  idea  was  given  a  certain 
popularity  and  gained  at  least  a  temporary  tacit  approval  from 
the  unfortunate  people,  by  the  pretext  that  it  was  a  patriotic 
movement  for  limiting  the  power  of  foreign  capitalists  in  the 


250  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

country.  In  regard  to  this  Mr.  Turner  says :  '  '  The  consolida- 
tion under  nominal  government  control  of  the  two  principal  rail- 
road systems  in  Mexico,  the  Mexican  Central  and  the  Mexican 
National,  was  brought  about  not,  as  was  officially  given  out,  to 
provide  against  the  absorption  of  the  Mexican  highways  by  for- 
eign capitalists,  but  to  provide  for  that  very  thing.  It  was  a 
deal  between  E.  H.  Harriman,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  govern- 
ment finance  camarilla,  on  the  other,  the  victim  in  the  case 
being  Mexico.  It  was  a  sort  of  deferred  sale  of  the  Mexican 
railroads  to  Harriman,  the  members  of  the  camarilla  getting  as 
their  share  of  the  loot  millions  and  millions  of  dollars  through 
the  juggling  of  securities  and  stock  in  effecting  the  merger.  On 
the  whole,  it  constitutes  perhaps  the  most  colossal  single  piece 
of  plundering  carried  out  by  the  organized  wreckers  of  the 
Mexican  nation. 

In  this  deal  with  Harriman,  Limantour,  Minister  of  Finance, 
was  the  chief  manipulator,  and  Pablo  Macedo,  brother  of  Miguel 
Macedo,  Sub-Secretary  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  was 
first  lieutenant.  As  a  reward  for  their  part  in  the  deal,  Liman- 
tour and  Macedo  are  said  to  have  divided  nine  million  dollars' 
gold  profits  between  them,  and  Limantour  was  made  president, 
and  Macedo  vice-president  of  the  board  of  directors  of  the 
merged  roads,  which  positions  they  still  hold.  The  other  members 
of  the  board  of  directors  of  the  merged  roads  are :  Guillermo  de 
Landa  y  Escandon,  Governor  of  the  Federal  District  of  Mexico ; 
Samuel  Morse  Felton,  former  president  of  the  Mexican  Central, 
who  was  Harriman 's  special  emissary  in  Mexico  to  work  & 
Diaz  to  secure  his  consent  for  the  deal ;  E.  N.  Brown,  former  vice- 
president  and  general  manager  of  the  Mexican  National  Lines, 
and  Gabriel  Mancera.  Each  of  these  four  men  is  said  to  have 
made  a  personal  fortune  for  himself  out  of  the  transaction." 

And  of  course  the  starving  people  of  the  Mexican  Eepublic 
pay  the  bills.  "The  Mexican  Central  and  Mexican  National  sys- 
tems are  both  cheaply  built  roads ;  their  rolling  stock  is  of  very 
low  grade.  Their  entire  joint  mileage  at  the  time  of  the  merger 
was  possibly  5,400  miles,  and  yet,  under  the  merger,  they  were 


A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS  251 

capitalized  at  $615,000,000  gold,  or  $112,000  per  mile.  Oceans 
of  water  there.  The  Mexican  Central  was  thirty  years  old,  yet 
had  never  paid  a  penny.  The  Mexican  National  was  twenty-five 
years  old,  yet  it  had  paid  less  than  two  per  cent.  Yet  in  the  over- 
capitalized merger  we  find  that  the  company  binds  itself  to  pay 
four  and  a  half  per  cent  on  $225,000,000  worth  of  bonds,  and 
four  per  cent  on  $160,000,000  worth  of  bonds,  or  $16,525,000 
interest  a  year,  and  pay  it  semi-annually. "  In  other  words,  if 
Mr.  Turner's  figures  are  accurate,  the  Mexican  people  are  com- 
pelled to  pay  annually  in  interest  on  these  bonds  two  peso  each 
for  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  Republic. 

AMERICAN    PARTNERSHIP    WITH    DIAZ 

The  last  point  made  by  Mr.  Turner  to  which  we  shall  direct 
attention  is  the  fact  that,  for  many  years  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment was  a  partner  with  Diaz  and  his  cientificos  in  their  mis- 
rule of  Mexico.  Our  officials,  our  legal  equipment,  our  army, 
were  at  the  disposition  of  the  system.  Of  course  the  reason  was 
not  far  to  seek.  It  was  the  financial  interests  of  Americans  in 
Mexico  which  led  to  the  easy  and  complaisant  attitude  of  our 
government. 

WEAK   POINTS   OF  BARBAROUS   MEXICO 

We  have  spoken  at  length  in  regard  to  Turner's  book  because 
it  deserves  attention.  It  was  a  voice  cryi~ig  in  the  wilderness. 
It  was  the  first  vigorous  appeal  from  an  outsider  for  justice  to 
a  suffering  people.  While  his  facts  are  true,  and  his  motive 
good,  the  author  makes  two  serious  blunders.  First,  he  fails 
to  realize  and  emphasize  the  fact  that  slavery  is  no  new  thing  in 
Mexico.  It  has  existed  in  the  same  frightful  forms  which  he 
describes  for  more  than  three  hundred  years.  Since  the  original 
settlement  of  the  country,  there  had  been  landed  estates  to  be 
developed,  mines  to  be  worked.  During  all  that  time,  there  had 
been  open  and  flagrant  slavery,  forced  labor,  peonage  for  debt, 
drifting  of  unfortunates  to  places  where  their  lives  were  worked 
out  in  unwholesome  surroundings  for  the  benefit  of  wealthy 


252  A  VOICE  IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

masters.  There  were  periods  indeed  of  improvement,  there  were 
periods  of  emphatic  and  frightful  development;  but  there,  has 
never  been  a  time  since  the  old  city  of  Tenochtitlan  fell  when  the 
fair  land  has  been  free  of  this  foul  blot.  Mr.  Turner  weakens  his 
argument  sadly,  by  not  realizing  this  fact.  Second,  Porfirio  Diaz 
has  been  less  an  active  plotter  to  bring  about  these  evils  than  one 
would  think  from  reading  the  indictment  in  "Barbarous  Mex- 
ico. "  Porfirio  Diaz  was  not  the  creator  and  originator  of  these 
crying  wrongs.  He  was  a  man  of  inordinate  ambition,  born 
into  certain  conditions,  which  he  selfishly  utilized  to  his  ad- 
vantage and  the  advantage  of  his  friends  who  helped  him  gain 
his  aims.  He  was  bad  enough  from  any  point  of  view,  but  he 
was  the  creature  of  circumstances.  Had  he  been  as  strong  a 
character  as  has  been  usually  asserted,  and  at  the  same  time 
imbued  with  a  spirit  of  true  patriotism,  he  might  have  helped 
appreciably  in  an  advance  movement  of  reform ;  even  so,  he  could 
not  have  made  things  over.  Had  he  devoted  his  lifetime  to  the 
effort  of  solving  the  very  serious  problems  surrounding  him,  he 
could  have  helped  his  nation,  but  could  not  have  inaugurated  an 
actually  golden  age  of  justice  and  perfection. 


THE  NEW  GOSPEL 

THE   CREELMAN   INTERVIEW LA   SUCESION   PRESIDENCIAL   EN    IQIO 

PERSONAL      POLITICS CONTINUANCE      IN      POWER RESULTS      OF 

MILITARISM THE       VICE-PRESIDENCY— ^QUESTION       OF       MATERIAL 

PROGRESS EFFECTS    OF    DIAZ*    GOVERNMENT FITNESS    OF   PEOPLE 

FOR    DEMOCRACY MADERo's    PROGRAM. 

IT  is  not  often  that  a  reporter's  interview  for  periodical  pub- 
lication becomes  an  important  political  document.     Such  a 
fate  was,  however,  in  store  for  an  interview  by  James  Creel- 
man  with  President  Diaz,  which  was   printed  in  the  March 
number  of  Pearson's  Magazine  for  1908. 

THE  CREELMAN  INTERVIEW 

In  that  interview  the  President  of  the  Mexican  Eepublic  said : 
"No  matter  what  my  friends  and  supporters  say,  I  retire  when 
my  presidential  term  of  office  ends,  and  I  shall  not  serve  again. 
I  shall  be  eighty  years  old  then.  I  have  waited  patiently  for 
the  day  when  the  people  of  the  Mexican  Eepublic  should  be  pre- 
pared to  choose  and  change  their  government  at  every  election 
without  danger  of  armed  revolution  and  without  injury  to  the 
national  credit  or  interference  with  national  progress.  I  believe 
that  day  has  come. 

"I  welcome  an  opposition  party  in  the  Mexican  Republic. 
If  it  appears,  I  will  regard  it  as  a  blessing,  not  an  evil.  And 
if  it  can  develop  power,  not  to  exploit,  but  to  govern,  I  will 
stand  by  it,  support  it,  advise  it,  and  forget  myself  in  the  suc- 
cessful inauguration  of  complete  democratic  government  in 
the  country." 

This  interview  became  the  rallying  cry  for  the  opposition 
which  voiced  the  sentiments  of  "  No  reelection. ' '  It  precipitated 
the  book  of  Francisco  I.  Madero — La  Sucesion  Presidential  en 
1910;  it  unquestionably  hastened  the  revolution. 

253 


254  THE  NEW  GOSPEL 

LA  SUCESION  PRESIDENCIAL  EN     19 1 0 

At  the  beginning  of  his  book,  Madero  says :  i  l  Nevertheless, 
the  problem  for  the  reconquest  of  our  rights  presented  itself 
as  of  most  difficult  solution,  above  all,  for  those  who,  satisfied 
as  I,  with  life,  shut  up  in  their  selfishness  and  contented  with 
the  respecting  of  their  material  properties,  did  not  occupy  them- 
selves greatly  in  studying  such  a  problem.  This  criminal  indif- 
ference, child  of  the  times,  received  a  rude  shock  with  the  events 
of  Monterey  on  the  22nd  of  April,  1903. 

"  Until  that  epoch  I  remained  almost  indifferent  to  the  march 
of  political  affairs,  and  quite  so  to  the  political  campaign  which 
the  people  of  Nuevo  Leon  were  conducting,  when  reports  reached 
me  of  the  infamous  attack  of  which  the  oppositionists,  in  con- 
ducting a  pacific  demonstration,  were  victims,  which  resulted 
impressive  on  account  of  the  immense  concourse  of  people,  and 
which  had  a  tragic  end  due  to  the  ambush  into  which  it  fell. 
This  occurrence,  witnessed  by  some  of  my  relatives  and  friends 
who  took  part  in  the  manifestation,  impressed  me  deeply  and 
sadly. " 

From  that  time  on,  Madero  was  grappling  with  the  problems 
of  politics. 

PERSONAL  POLITICS 

In  the  beginning  of  his  book,  he  emphasizes  the  dangers  of 
personal  politics.  It  is  not  altogether  easy  to  quote  brief  pas- 
sages from  his  argument.  In  one  place  he  says,  in  contrasting 
the  significance  of  party  politics  and  personal  politics,  the  fol- 
lowing: "The  probabilities  are  immense,  that  a  party  formed 
and  founded  upon  principles,  has  to  be  as  immortal  as  the  prin- 
ciples which  it  proclaims,  though  many  of  its  members  may 
succumb ;  but  the  principle  will  never  succumb,  and  always  will 
serve  as  a  guiding  light  for  directing  the  steps  of  those  who 
desire  to  fight  for  the  welfare  of  the  country;  it  ever  will  serve 
as  a  point  of  concentration  to  all  noble  ambition,  to  all  pure 
patriotism.  The  same  does  not  occur  with  personalist  parties, 


THE  NEW  GOSPEL  255 

which  tend  to  disaggregate,  if  not  at  the  death  of  their  chief, 
very  shortly  afterward." 

CONTINUANCE   IN   POWER 

In  asking  how  it  came  about  that  Diaz  so  long  remained  in 
power,  he  says:  "It  will  appear  that  it  is  a  presumption  on 
my  part  to  seem  to  know  more  in  these  matters  than  General 
Diaz  who,  for  so  many  years,  has  been  at  the  head  of  the  destinies 
of  the  country ;  but  I  do  not  in  the  least  hold  the  conviction  that 
General  Diaz  has  not  seen,  as  clearly  as  myself,  in  this  affair, 
in  evidence  of  which  there  are  the  declarations  which  he  made 
to  Creelman,  and  further  back,  looking  to  the  source  of  his  gov- 
ernment, we  shall  see  that,  if  he  took  up  arms  against  the 
governments  of  Juarez  and  Lerdo,  it  was  precisely  because 
he  judged  the  indefinite  reelection  of  governors  a  threat  for 
democratic  institutions ;  and  this  will  continue  to  happen  unless 
political  parties  are  now  organized;  but  they  must  be  parties 
founded  upon  principles  which  satisfy  the  national  aspirations, 
and  not  personalist  parties,  like  those  which  actually  exist  in  the 
republic. ' ' 

EESULTS  OF   MILITARISM 

In  studying  the  subject  of  militarism  in  Mexico,  Madero 
made  review  of  the  whole  history  of  the  nation  to  show  what 
serious  disasters  it  had  always  brought.  In  the  case  of  Comon- 
f ort,  he  shows  how  great  an  error  it  was  for  that  real  leader  in 
democracy  to  depend  upon  it.  He  says:  "Comonfort,  consti- 
tutional president,  had  the  support  of  the  entire  nation. 

"Comonfort,  revolutionist,  eight  days  after  his  coup  d'etat, 
could  not  count  even  upon  the  aid  of  those  who  induced  him  to 
commit  so  great  a  fault;  the  forces  which  pronounced  in  his 
favor  were  the  first  to  turn  against  him,  and  he  was  forced  to 
leave  his  country  to  weep  in  exile  the  ills  which,  in  a  moment 
of  blindness,  he  had  inflicted  upon  his  nation. 

"Another  example  which  it  is  well  not  to  forget:  A  man  like 
him,  so  well  deserving  of  the  highest  honors  and  the  national 


256  THE  NEW  GOSPEL 

gratitude;  of  admirable  prudence  and  tact;  of  irreproachable 
conduct;  of  a  disinterestedness  and  patriotism  for  every  trial, 
committing  in  a  moment  of  blindness,  of  folly,  or  of  weakness, 
an  irreparable  fault!  Unhappy  those  nations  whose  destinies 
depend  upon  the  life,  will,  or  caprice,  of  a  single  man!" 

In  the  same  direction,  in  speaking  of  the  period  when  the 
French  forces  were  being  withdrawn  from  the  national  terri- 
tory, he  exclaims:  "Another  example  of  the  tremendous  pun- 
ishment which  nations  receive  that  abdicate  their  liberty;  of 
the  peril  of  leaving  power  in  the  hands  of  a  single  man ! ' ' 

THE   VICE-PRESIDENCY 

In  a  chapter  devoted  to  the  subject  of  General  Diaz,  his 
ambitions,  his  politics,  and  methods  of  which  he  has  made  use 
for  remaining  in  power,  our  author  comes  to  the  delicate  ques- 
tion of  the  vice-presidency.  He  sees  only  peril  in  the  office. 
He  says:  "(The  nation)  trusted  at  the  disappearance  of 
General  Diaz  from  the  political  scene,  it  would  recover  its 
rights;  but  this  hope  has  vanished  since  the  creation  of  the 
vice-presidency,  which  has  for  its  evident  object  to  protect  the 
interests  created  under  the  shadow  of  the  present  administra- 
tion, not  to  permit  the  people  to  recover  its  liberties,  to  the 
end  of  perpetuating  in  power  the  group  which  surrounds  our 
present  ruler. 

"The  nation  would  be  contented  for  the  present  to  choose 
the  vice-president  who  undoubtedly  will  be  the  successor  of 
General  Diaz,  because  his  advanced  age  makes  it  very  probable 
that  he  will  not  be  living  in  the  year  1916,  the  end  of  the  next 
presidential  period. 

"In  order  to  attain  even  this  feeble  concession,  it  appears 
that  the  country  is  resolving  to  arouse  itself  from  its  lethargy ; 
but  nations,  in  awakening,  are  accustomed  to  be  turbulent,  and 
to  us,  who  aspire  to  guide  public  opinion  with  our  writings,  the 
task  imposes  itself  of  directing  the  popular  energies  through 
the  broad  road  of  democracy,  in  order  to  prevent  their  wander- 
ing by  the  tortuous  by-paths  of  revolts  and  intestine  war. " 


THE  NEW  GOSPEL  257 

In  another  chapter  entitled:  "Whither  does  General  Diaz 
lead  us!"  he  speaks  specifically  of  Corral.  He  says:  "On  the 
disappearance  of  General  Diaz  from  the  political  scene,  Seiior 
Corral,  or  whoever  may  be  designated  in  his  place  to  occupy 
the  vice-presidency,  will  put  himself  in  relation  with  all  the 
governors,  and  these  wrill  renew  the  compact  celebrated  with 
his  predecessor:  'You  sustain  us  in  power,  and  in  our  turn  we 
will  sustain  you  indefinitely/  Perhaps  there  might  be  some 
governor  who  would  not  be  in  agreement  with  him.  In  such  a 
case,  he  would  send  emissaries  to  agitate  public  opinion  in  the 
state,  and  to  organize  a  party  of  opposition  which,  supported 
by  the  central  government,  would  be  the  one  which  would  result 
triumphant  in  the  elections,  promptly  assuring  a  change  of 
governor/' 

QUESTION    OF    MATERIAL   PROGRESS 

In  discussing  the  material  progress  made  under  the  great 
dictator,  Madero  says :  ' '  We  will  only  say  that  it  is  an  error 
to  attribute  all  our  progress  to  General  Diaz,  considering  that, 
in  the  same  period  of  time,  many  nations  of  the  world  have 
attained  a  development  which  surpasses  our  own,  among  which 
we  will  cite :  Japan,  France,  the  United  States,  Italy,  Germany ; 
and  among  our  sisters  of  the  south:  Costa  Kica,  Argentina, 
Chile,  and  Brazil." 

EFFECT  OF  DIAZ7  GOVERNMENT 

Our  author  considers  that  the  effect  of  the  Diaz  Government 
has  been  to  deaden  every  legitimate  effort.  Thus  he  says:  "In 
summary,  absolute  power  has  annihilated  the  forces  of  the 
nation,  because  the  citizens  who  might  lend  their  assistance  to 
the  good  progress  of  the  government,  have  abstained  from 
doing  so  lest  they  should  appear  as  discontented  individuals. 
This  custom  has  made  them  lose  all  interest  in  public  matters, 
knowing  that  they  could  not  remedy  the  situation." 


258  THE  NEW  GOSPEL 

FITNESS  OF  PEOPLE  FOB  DEMOCRACY 

To  the  constant  cry  that  they  are  unfit  as  yet  for  real  democ- 
racy, he  says:  "In  fact,  their  affirmation  is  easily  answered: 
Admitting  for  a  moment  that  we  are  not  fit  for  democracy,  in 
what  manner  shall  be  arrive  at  familiarizing  ourselves  with  its 
practices,  if  we  are  never  permitted  to  practice  them?  The 
expression  *  democratic  practices,'  consecrated  by  custom,  im- 
plies, besides  the  theory,  the  putting  of  it  into  action,  and  as 
long  as  this  does  not  happen,  as  long  as  nations  do  not  carry 
into  practice  democratic  ideas,  they  will  never  become  familiar 
with  them/' 


MADERO'S   PROGRAM 


The  program  which  Madero  offered  is  as  follows:  "From 
this  circumstance  it  is  indispensable  to  strive  with  energy,  even 
if  certain  defeat  is  to  be  foreseen  because,  with  the  sole  fact 
of  struggling  in  the  field  of  democracy,  of  competing  at  the 
electoral  urns,  and  above  all,  of  having  constituted  ourselves 
into  a  political  party,  we  Independents  will  have  secured  the 
awakening  of  the  country  and  the  Independent  Party,  although 
defeated,  will  have  in  reality  saved  the  institutions,  since  with 
this  struggle  it  will  have  acquired  such  prestige  that,  at  the 
death  of  General  Diaz,  it  will  constitute  itself  into  a  constant 
vigilant  censorship  upon  his  successor  who,  from  this  motive, 
must  proceed  with  great  moderation,  and  little  by  little  make 
concessions  to  the  nation  which  will  gradually  force  them  into 
frequent  electoral  contests,  since  the  Independents'  will  not 
rest,  and  will  promote  electoral  campaigns  in  the  states,  with 
the  end  of  gradually  renewing  the  town  governments,  local 
legislatures,  governors,  and  legislatures  of  the  nation. " 

The  watchword  and  rallying  cry  of  the  whole  movement 
were :  '  '  Effective  suffrage ! ' '  and  l  i  No  reelection ! ' ' 


THE  STOEY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

MADERO 'S  CAMPAIGN REELECTION  OF  DIAZ  AND  CORRAL THREAT- 
ENING INCIDENTS THE  FIRST  BATTLE REVOLUTION THE  STRUG- 
GLE IN  CHIHUAHUA CHANGE  OF  GOVERNOR NEW  TACTICS 

HOPE  IN  LIMANTOUR YIELDING  ALONG  THE  WHOLE  LINE OVER- 
TURES FOR  PEACE BELATED  CONCESSIONS ARMISTICE  AND  NEGO- 
TIATIONS  THE  FALL  OF  CIUDAD  JUAREZ WILD  SCENES THE 

RESIGNATION    OF   DIAZ THE   PEACE    TREATY THE   FINAL   ACTS. 

ON  June  26,  1910,  the  presidential  election  took  place  in 
Mexico.     It  was  interesting  because,  for  the  first  time 
in    many    years,  there    was    actually    a   candidate    in 
opposition  to  President  Diaz.     The  candidate  of  course  was 
Francisco  I.  Madero,  whose  claim  to  popularity  rested  upon  his 
book,  La  Sucesion  Presidential   en  1910.    We   have   already 
called  attention  to  him  and  it. 

MADERO  *S   CAMPAIGN 

Madero  was  nominated  for  the  office  of  President  by  an 
actual  national  convention  called  by  the  anti-reelection  soci- 
eties. The  candidate  for  Vice-President  nominated  with  him 
was  Francisco  Vasquez  Gomez.  Basing  their  action  upon  the 
famous  Creelman  interview,  the  candidates  attempted  to  ar- 
range with  President  Diaz  for  an  actual  election  in  which  the 
people  should  genuinely  cast  votes  for  the  man  of  their  choice. 
Given  to  understand  that  they  were  at  liberty  to  push  their 
cause,  Madero  made  a  campaign  of  propaganda.  He  visited 
many  states,  making  speeches  and  organizing  the  anti-reelec- 
tion movement.  At  many  places  difficulties  were  thrown  in  his 
way  and  at  times  he  was  in  actual  danger  of  physical  attack. 
Early  in  June,  only  a  few  days  before  the  election  was  to  be 
held,  he  was  in  Monterey  in  connection  with  his  propaganda. 
The  fact  was  that  he  seemed  to  be  making. dangerous  headway, 
and  it  was  deemed  best  to  check  him.  He  was  arrested  on  the 
complaint  that  he  had  concealed  Roque  Estrada,  who  had  been 

259 


260  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 


FRANCISCO   I.    MADERO. 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  261 

accused  of  misdemeanors,  in  his  house.  .  Estrada  was  Madero's 
secretary,  and  his  presence  in  Madero's  house  was  natural  and 
no  just  subject  of  complaint.  Both  men  were  seized  and  jailed. 
The  Government,  however,  seemed  to  recognize  that  the  com- 
plaint made  in  Monterey  was  an  insufficient  basis  for  vigorous 
action;  it  was  in  reality  only  an  excuse  for  once  getting  him 
within  the  hands  of  the  authorities.  He  was  therefore  trans- 
ferred to  San  Luis  Potosi,  where  he  was  accused  of  having  been 
guilty  of  sedition  and  lese  majesty  in  his  public  speeches.  He 
was  finally  set  at  liberty,  on  heavy  bail.  While  at  San  Luis 
Potosi,  he  matured  his  plan  of  revolution  and  drew  up  the 
famous  document  which  bears  the  name  of  the  Plan  of  San 
Luis  Potosi,  in  which  the  purposes  and  causes  of  the  revolution 
are  set  forth.  Discovering  that  it  was  planned  to  send  him  to 
Puebla,  on  charges  similar  to  those  which  had  been  urged 
against  him  in  San  Luis  Potosi,  he  determined  to  flee  to  a  place 
of  refuge.  It  was  his  custom  to  take  a  daily  walk  along  the 
railroad  track.  Each  day  he  extended  his  walk  and  returned 
a  little  later  than  before;  one  day  he  did  not  return,  and  the 
most  vigorous  efforts  to  locate  him  met  with  no  success.  Dis- 
guised and  aided  by  his  sympathizers,  he  found  his  way*  north- 
ward to  the  frontier  and  entered  the  United  States. 

REELECTION    OF   DIAZ   AND    CORRAL 

Meantime,  the  election  had  taken  place,  resulting  in  the  con- 
tinuance of  Porfirio  Diaz  in  the  office  of  president,  and  Kamon 
Corral  in  that  of  vice-president.  It  was  an  election  of  the  usual 
type.  There  is  no  doubt  that  with  a  fair  vote  Diaz  would  have 
been  driven  from  power,  and  Madero  would  have  been  presi- 
dent. The  election,  however,  took  place  as  usual.  Our  Ameri- 
can press  had  many  a  piquant  item  upon  it;  it  was  a  capital 
joke;  but,  after  all,  the  matter  was  serious.  Closely  following 
the  election  came  the  centennial.  While  the  government  was 
celebrating  that  splendid  function,  the  forces  of  revolution 
were  gathering.  Efforts  were  first  made,  however,  to  settle 
the  difficulties  by  legal  methods.  The  anti-reelection  clubs  sent 


262  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

in  a  vigorous  protest,  with  many  signatures,  to  congress,  de- 
manding that  the  elections  be  set  aside  as  fraudulent,  and  that 
a  new  and  honest  vote  be  taken.  The  effort  met  with  no  success. 
Congress  recognized  Diaz  and  Corral  as  properly  elected.  The 
only  thing  remaining  for  the  dissatisfied  was  actual  rebellion. 

THREATENING    INCIDENTS 

There  were  many  little  incidents  which  foreshadowed  the 
outbreak.  The  occurrence  in  the  Paseo  de  la  Reforma,  at  the 
foot  of  the  Columbus  monument,  on  September  llth,  is  described 
elsewhere.  That  I  saiv.  Elsewhere  too  is  described  the  incident 
of. September  16th,  in  the  State  of  Tlaxcala.  These  were  during 
the  glorious  month  of  September,  when  the  independence  of  the 
nation  was  being  celebrated.  They  were  at  a  time  of  profound 
peace. 

THE    FIRST   BATTLE 

It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  instances  of  such  things  in  the 
weeks  before  the  serious  outbreak  began.  The  first  actual  inci- 
dent in  the  revolution  may  be  considered  to  be  the  famous 
battle  at  the  house  of  Aquiles  Serdan,  fully  described  else- 
where. That  happened  on  the  18th  of  November. 

REVOLUTION 

Madero  had  arranged  that  on  the  20th  there  should  be 
simultaneous  uprising  throughout  the  whole  Republic.  Two 
days  before  that  date,  he  issued  a  manifesto  to  the  federal 
army,  inviting  them  to  turn  against  the  government  and  to  aid 
the  revolutionary  movement.  His  appeal  met  with  ho  imme- 
diate response,  but  of  course  throughout  the  whole  period  of 
actual  revolution  defections  from  the  army  constantly  took  place ; 
it  is  the  regular  story  of  such  movements.  There  are  few 
armies  whose  sympathies  can  be  firmly  counted  upon  by  a 
tyrannical  government. 

The  20th  of  November  came.  In  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  the 
working  people  at  Rio  Blanco,  near  Orizaba,  rose,  but  were 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  263 

easily  suppressed ;  risings  took  place  also  in  Tlaxcala,  Coahuila, 
and  Chihuahua,  but  these  outbreaks  were  far  from  as  general 
and  serious  as  had  been  expected.  Everywhere  people  seemed 
to  hesitate ;  they  were  waiting  to  see  just  how  far  those  in  other 
places  would  dare  venture  before  they  themselves  undertook 
what  many  believed  to  be  a  desperate  venture.  On  November 
26th,  in  Chihuahua,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  revolutionists 
to  capture  Ciudad  Guerrero ;  it  was  not  successful,  but  the  less 
important  town,  San  Andres,  was  seized  and  fortified.  The 
next  day  a  serious  conflict  took  place  at  Fresno,  four  leagues 
from  the  capital  city  of  Chihuahua.  General  Navarro,  after  a 
four  hours'  battle,  succeeded  in  dislodging  four  hundred  in- 
surrectos  who,  at  that  point,  occupied  an  elevated  position. 
The  revolutionists,  however,  quickly  reformed,  and  two  days 
later  were  at  the  gates  of  Chihuahua.  The  same  day  another 
party  captured  Chuviscar,  eight  leagues  from  the  city.  Fight- 
ing took  place  also  in  the  district  where  the  states  of  Coahuila 
and  Durango  come  together.  The  rebels  captured  Gomez  Pala- 
cio,  but  withdrew  before  a  force  of  federals  sent  from  the 
neighboring  town,  Torreon. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  give  a  detailed  description  of  all  the 
little  engagements  in  the  different  parts  of  the  republic.  The 
northern  states  of  Chihuahua  and  Coahuila  were  the  centers  of 
the  most  important  operations  and  the  region  within  which 
Madero  himself  operated.  It  was  there  that  the  provisional 
government  had  been  quartered;  it  was  there,  ultimately,  that 
the  Diaz  Government  carried  on  negotiations  with  it. 

THE   STRUGGLE   IN   CHIHUAHUA 

During  the  month  of  December  progress  was  made.  On  the 
first  day  of  the  month  Porfirio  Diaz  took  oath  for  the  eighth 
time  before  the  Congress  of  the  nation  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  his  office  well  and  faithfully.  As  the  conditions  in  the  State 
of  Chihuahua  became  complicated,  and  he  saw  himself  unable 
to  make  headway  against  it,  the  acting  Governor  of  the  state 
resigned,  and  President  Diaz  appointed  Alberto  Terrazas  as 


264 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  265 

Governor  for  the  time  being.  This  was  not  a  masterstroke. 
Alberto  Terrazas,  son  of  Don  Luis  Terrazas  who  for  many 
years  was  Governor  of  the  state,  and  who  by  misrule  and  op- 
pression had  gained  the  hatred  of  his  people,  was  not  the  man 
to  be  appointed  to  the  governorship  of  a  state  in  open  revolu- 
tion. During  the  month,  important  engagements  took  place  at 
Cerro  Prieto  and  Mai  Paso.  Ciudad  Guerrero  had  been  seized 
by  the  revolutionists ;  General  Navarro,  the  leader  of  the  federal 
forces,  attempted  its  recovery;  in  the  operation  Colonel  Guz- 
man was  trapped  at  Mai  Paso  with  frightful  loss.  The  hero 
of  the  day  was  Pascual  Orozco.  The  situation  was  so  desperate 
that  new  forces  under  Colonel  Cuellar  were  sent  from  the  City 
of  Mexico  on  December  22nd  to  the  seat  of  war.  In  January 
Madero's  people  occupied  a  considerable  area  and  dominated 
stretches  of  the  Central  and  the  Northwestern  Railroads.  Gen- 
eral Navarro  again  attempted  to  recapture  Ciudad  Guerrero, 
arranging  that  forces  should  close  in  upon  the  city  from  various 
sides ;  to  his  chagrin,  the  city  was  found  empty.  Vigorous 
efforts  were  made  to  locate  and  pursue  the  enemy.  General 
Navarro  himself  never  seemed  to  find  them,  but  at  Galeana, 
Colonel  Rabago,  one  of  the  bravest  and  best  of  the  federal 
officers,  found  them,  fought,  and  met  a  terrible  defeat,  losing 
officers  and  350  men. 

CHANGE    OF    GOVEKNOE 

Meantime,  Diaz,  at  Mexico,  realized  the  mistake  made  in 
appointing  Alberto  Terrazas  governor  of  Chihuahua.  Ter- 
razas was  removed,  and  Ahumada  summoned  from  Guadala- 
jara; he  was  hurried  to  the  scene  of  the  disturbance.  Much 
was  hoped  for  from  this  action.  Ahumada  was  one  of  the  best 
state  governors  of  Mexico  for  many  years.  He  was  at  one 
time  governor  of  Chihuahua,  and  had  left  a  good  name  behind 
him ;  he  was  respected  and  beloved.  He  had  been  sent  to  Guad- 
alajara because  that  region  had  been  misgoverned  and  a  good 
man  was  needed  there.  It  was  hoped  that  his  reappearance  at 
Chihuahua  would  reduce  hostility,  arouse  enthusiasm,  and  per- 


266  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

haps  stay  the  course  of  the  revolution.  If  ten  years  before 
Porfirio  Diaz  had  realized  that  people  genuinely  demanded  and 
deserved  good  governors,  perhaps  the  cry  of  "effective  suf- 
frage" and  "no  reelection "  would  not  have  been  heard  until 
after  he  had  quietly  passed  from  the  stage  of  action.  It  was, 
however,  too  late  for  even  a  good  governor  to  save  the  situation 
in  Chihuahua. 

NEW    TACTICS 

It  began  to  be  seen  also  that  Madero 's  concentration  about 
the  city  of  Chihuahua  was  more  or  less  a  ruse  to  distract  atten- 
tion from  the  border.  In  the  effort  to  save  the  capital  of  the 
state,  all  possible  force  had  been  brought  together  there  and  the 
international  boundary  was  left  almost  unoccupied  by  federal 
forces.  The  result  was  that  war  equipment  was  constantly 
crossing  from  the  United  States;  supplies  and  ammunition 
were  daily  entering  from  the  north — even  cannons  and  rapid- 
firing  guns  being  brought  in.  When  this  was  fully  recognized, 
Rabago  was  ordered  to  Ciudad  Juarez  to  guard  against  this 
constant  importation.  At  Bauche,  Babago  had  a  fight  with 
the  forces  of  Oroczo,  suffering  some  loss.  Garcia,  Cuellar  and 
Navarro  were  also  transferred  to  Juarez.  It  was  about  this 
time  that  the  mysterious  mobilization  of  20,000  American  sol- 
diers to  the  Mexican  border  took  place.  Meantime,  there  had 
been  serious  fighting  at  Casas  Grandes.  After  this,  Madero 
established  his  headquarters  at  Kancho  de  Bustillos,  a  hundred 
kilometers  northwest  of  Chihuahua  City.  With  him  were  Pas- 
cual  Oroczo,  Colonel  Garabaldi,  Capt.  Eaoul  Madero,  and  other 
leaders.  At  the  time  of  his  establishing  his  headquarters,  about 
a  thousand  men  were  at  his  disposition ;  this  number  gradually 
grew  until  finally  he  had  three  thousand  men  well  equipped  and 
under  fair  discipline. 

It  was  wonderful  how  this  insurrection  spread  through  the 
republic.  This  was  true  particularly  in  the  south.  The  move- 
ment there  was  largely  undirected.  There  were  no  great  lead- 
ers, no  definite  plans.  But  at  scores  of  places,  the  people,  hear- 


STOEY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  267 

ing  of  the  events  taking  place  in  the  north,  armed  themselves 
for  outbreak.  The  capital  city  was  absolutely  stripped  of  de- 
fenders. The  President  had  no  settled  plan  of  action ;  all  advice 
failed.  In  desperation,  he  announced  the  suspension  of  the 
guarantees — in  other  words,  declared  martial  law  throughout 
the  republic.  In  Mexico  it  is  eternally  a  sign  of  weakness. 
The  terms  of  his  proclamation  were  severe  in  the  extreme.  Far 
from  terrifying  the  people  and  deterring  them  from  joining  in 
the  revolution,  the  proclamation  seemed  to  add  fuel  to  the  con- 
flagration. Thousands,  who  had  no  thought  of  active  participa- 
tion in  the  disturbance,  were  driven  by  this  document  to  unite 
with  the  forces  fighting  against  the  government.  By  the  middle 
of  April  it  might  be  said  tliat  every  state,  from  Yucatan  and 
Tabasco  up  to  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  was  in  a  blaze.  Meantime 
in  the  north,  the  Madero  forces  were  closing  in  upon  Ciudad 
Juarez. 

HOPE   IN   LIMANTOUR 

It  was  pitiful  that  at  this  time  the  old  president  seemed  to 
feel  that  Limantour  might  still  save  the  day.  The  man  to  whom 
the  growth  of  the  cientificos  was  due;  the  man  to  whom,  more 
than  to  any  other,  the  unrest  of  Mexico  may  be  ascribed;  the 
man  who,  at  this  crisis,  could  have  the  least  influence,  was 
Limantour.  He  was  summoned  from  Paris  to  Mexico.  He 
seems  to  have  had  complete  confidence  in  himself.  In  New 
York  and  Washington  his  coming  was  hailed  by  the  money  in- 
terests and  politicians  with  great  satisfaction.  Much  was  ex- 
pected of  him ;  it  merely  shows  how  blind  those  interests  have 
always  been  to  actual  conditions  in  the  Mexican  Republic.  It 
was  the  end  of  March  when  he  arrived  in  the  capital  city.  He 
was  given  a  free  hand;  his  advice  was  promptly  followed;  he 
really  knew  what  would  once  have  been  effective.  Never,  how- 
ever, in  his  time  of  glory,  had  he  suggested  the  line  of  procedure 
he  now  proposed.  Had  he  done  so,  the  course  of  affairs  might 
have  been  different;  but  of  course  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  have  done  so  in  those  days  of  prosperity. 


268  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 


Harris  and  Ewing 


EMILIO  VASQUEZ  GOMEZ. 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  269 

YIELDING   ALONG   THE   WHOLE   LINE 

It  was  due  to  his  advice,  undoubtedly,  that  the  six  most 
hated  ministers  resigned — those  of  Foreign  Relations,  Justice, 
Public  Instruction,  Government,  Fomento  and  Communications. 
There  is  little  question  that  this  change  in  the  cabinet  was  ar- 
ranged when  Limantour  was  in  Washington  in  consultation  with 
Francisco  Leon  de  la  Barra,  at  that  time  Ambassador  of  Mexico 
to  the  United  States,  and  with  the  approval  of  Vasquez  Gomez 
who,  as  representative  of  the  revolutionary  movement,  had  his 
office  in  the  city  of  Washington.  The  new  cabinet,  with  de  la 
Barra  at  its  head,  and  J.  Vera  Estanol,  was  a  great  improve- 
ment on  the  old  one,  and  would  once  have  been  a  blessing  to  the 
people.  When  the  change  of  cabinet  was  made,  it  was  under- 
stood that  new  laws  were  being  prepared  for  submission  to 
congress,  which  would  grant  most  of  the  reforms  demanded  by 
the  revolutionary  party.  If  it  was  believed  that  this  announce- 
ment would  lead  to  relaxed  activity  on  the  part  of  the  revolu- 
tionary forces,  the  supposition  was  false ;  Madero  and  his  people 
kept  at  work. 

OVERTURES    FOR   PEACE 

*» 

It  is  true  that  the  relatives  of  Madero  at  this  time  held  a 
consultation  with  him  and  made  overtures  for  peace.  While 
this  was  not  announced  as  being  official,  there  is  no  question 
that  it  was  done  at  the  request  of  the  government.  Probably 
his  relatives  had  been  informed  what  concessions  the  dictator 
was  willing  to  make  to  bring  about  a  cessation  of  hostilities  and 
a  final  adjustment.  Whatever  they  were  authorized  to  offer,  did 
not  meet  the  needs,  and  the  meeting  had  no  results.  It  was 
realized  at  the  capital  city  that  more  concessions  must  be  made. 
Vice-President  Corral,  therefore,  asked  for  a  leave  of  absence 
from  the  country,  for  a  period  of  eight  months  on  account  of 
broken  health.  This  request  on  the  part  of  the  hated  official 
brought  about  a  vigorous  and  heated  discussion  in  congress, 
some  of  the  congressmen  demanding  that  Corral  should  not  ask 
for  a  leave  of  absence,  but  should  present  his  resignation. 


270  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

Finally,  however,  permission  was  granted  him  to  leave  the  coun- 
try, and  four  days  later  he  left  for  Europe. 

BELATED   CONCESSIONS 

Immediately  after  congress  had  voted  permission  to  Corral 
to  leave  the  country,  the  president  submitted  a  law  to  congress, 
providing  that  there  should  be  no  reelection  of  president  or 
vice-president  of  the  republic,  nor  of  governors  of  states.  This 
being  the  chief  demand  of  the  revolutionary  program,  was  be- 
lieved to  be  a  masterstroke  of  policy;  it  was  intended  for  con- 
ciliation. But  the  tottering  power  wished  also  to  suggest  that 
it  was  still  prepared  for  war,  and  eight  million  pesos  were  voted 
for  suppressing  the  revolution.  This  was  of  course  intended 
to  scare  the  revolutionists  by  showing  that  the  government  was 
not  yet  at  the  end  of  its  resources.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  there  was  no  intention  of  using  this  money  for  new  mili- 
tary enterprises,  but  that  its  appropriation  was  necessary  to 
meet  the  heavy  costs  already  assumed  in  the  attempt  to  suppress 
the  insurrection.  About  this  same  time,  a  law  of  liberty  of  the 
press  was  proposed  to  congress. 

Such  was  the  solution  offered  by  Limantour.  Offered  in 
time,  it  would  have  been  effective.  If  in  1909  effective  suffrage, 
no  reelection,  liberty  of  the  press,  and  agrarian  reforms  had  been 
honestly  proposed,  and  given  to  the  people,  Mexico  would  have 
been  spared  a  revolution,  the  centennial  would  have  been  a 
period  of  popular  rejoicing  and  Limantour  and  Porfirio  Diaz 
would  have  made  abiding  reputations  as  statesman  and  ruler. 

ARMISTICE   AND    NEGOTIATIONS 

De  la  Barra  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  Vasquez  Gomez  in 
the  United  States,  were  keeping  wires  hot  with  telegrams  re- 
garding an  armistice.  One  was  finally  arranged  to  begin  April 
22nd,  and  to  continue  for  five  days,  affecting  only  the  area  ex- 
tending from  Ciudad  Juarez  to  Chihuahua.  Two  "volunteer" 
mediators,  Oscar  Braniff  and  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon,  hurried 
from  Mexico,  to  reason,  as  private  individuals  interested  patriot- 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  271 

ically  in  their  country,  with  Madero.  They  claimed  that  they 
came  as  private  individuals,  not  as  official  messengers.  Madero 
consented  to  receive  them.  He  stated  as  the  prime  condition  of 
peace  the  resignation  of  President  Diaz.  Oscar  Braniff  's  indig- 
nation at  the  demand  was  great.  He  refused  to  treat  further. 
Madero  remained  firm  in  his  demand.  It  was  resignation  of  the 
President  or  war;  the  resignation  need  not  take  place  imme- 
diately, but  an  absolute  promise  must  be  given,  and  a  date  fixed. 
The  volunteer  peacemakers  returned  to  Mexico. 

On  April  28th  the  armistice  ended,  but  it  was  prorogued  for 
five  days,  as  the  government  desired  to  send  an  official  commis- 
sion to  treat  of  peace.  The  commissioner  was  Francisco  S. 
Carbajal  with  Oscar  Braniff  and  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon  as 
advisers.  The  revolution  was  represented  in  this  conference  by 
Vasquez  Gomez,  Francisco  Madero  (father  of  Francisco  I. 
Madero),  and  Pino  Suarez.  The  negotiations  continued  through 
several  days,  and  the  armistice  had  to  be  extended  on  May  3d. 
Negotiations  ceased  upon  the  6th,  when  they  came  to  a  deadlock. 
Carbajal  was  ready  to  discuss  everything  except  the  resignation 
of  President  Diaz.  Madero  insisted  upon  that  resignation,  but 
agreed  that  he  would  resign  from  the  position  of  provisional 
president  if  Diaz  resigned  from  his  presidency.  As  has  been 
said,  negotiations  ended  on  the  6th  without  agreement.  On 
May  7th  President  Diaz  issued  a  manifesto  to  the  nation,  in  which 
he  offered  to  resign,  in  the  following  vague  terms :  "The  Presi- 
dent of  the  Republic  will  retire  from  power,  when  his  conscience 
tells  him  that  his  retirement  will  not  deliver  the  country  over  to 
anarchy. ' '  It  is  rather  interesting  to  ask  how  the  country  could 
be  in  a  condition  of  greater  anarchy  than  at  the  moment  of  this 
manifesto. 

THE  FALL   OF   CIUDAD  JUAREZ 

Meantime,  Madero 's  soldiers  were  chafing ;  they  were  anxious 
to  attack  Ciudad  Juarez.  During  the  negotiations  General 
Luque,  of  the  federal  forces,  had  attacked  Cerro  del  Mulato, 
though  within  the  region  covered  by  the  armistice.  The  peace 


272  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

commissioners  of  the  government,  however,  and  others  inter- 
ested, had  begged  that  hostilities  might  still  be  restrained,  hoping 
that  new  negotiations  would  be  opened,  and  Madero  had  con- 
sented to  the  request.  A  small  force  of  his  people,  however, 
had  made  an  attack  against  the  outer  defenses  of  Ciudad  Juarez. 
It  is  claimed  that  a  flag  of  truce  was  raised  with  the  idea  of 
explaining  the  occurrence,  but  that  there  was  a  misunderstanding 
in  regard  to  it ;  however  that  may  be,  noth withstanding  the  agree- 
ment of  Madero  that  hostilities  should  cease  for  the  time  being, 
the  battle  was  on.  Madero  himself,  realizing  that  a  serious  ad- 
vantage would  be  lost  if  he  restrained  his  forces,  under  the 
circumstances,  gave  the  order  for  attack.  The  battle  continued 
for  two  days  and  ended  in  a  victory  for  the  revolutionary  forces. 
On  the  10th  of  May,  General  Navarro,  in  command  of  the  govern- 
ment forces  in  the  north,  surrendered.  In  this  engagement  the 
federals  lost  three  officers  killed,  and  five  wounded;  560  soldiers 
fell,  and  the  prisoners  were  General  Navarro,  twenty -five  officers, 
and  480  soldiers. 

The  fall  of  Ciudad  Juarez  decided  the  contest.  Madero  at 
once  formed  his  government.  As  President,  he  was  to  be  as- 
sisted by  a  Cabinet  consisting  of  five  officers.  Francisco  Vas- 
quez  Gomez  headed  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Relations,  Gustavo 
Madero  that  of  Hacienda,  Venustiano  Carranza  that  of  Guerra, 
Federico  Gonzales  Garza  that  of  Gobernacion,  and  Pino  Suarez, 
Justicia.  Upon  receiving  the  news  from  Juarez,  President  Diaz 
sent  word  to  Carbajal  to  arrange  for  peace  at  any  price. 

WILD  SCENES 

On  the  whole,  the  revolutionary  forces  in  the  north  had  been 
well  held  in  hand.  Few  cases  of  cruelty  marred  their  record 
of  success.  Two  important  incidents,  however,  deserve  mention 
in  this  connection.  On  the  10th  of  May  a  three-days'  battle 
began  at  Torreon.  After  a  brave  defense,  the  federal  leader 
was  compelled  to  evacuate  the  town.  For  some  reason  the  revo- 
lutionary forces  did  not  at  once  enter  the  place.  The  result 
was  that  the  vicious  and  criminal  element  of  the  town  broke  out, 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  273 

and  indulged  in  hideous  deeds  of  arson,  pillage,  and  murder. 
For  some  unknown  reason,  hostility  particularly  showed  itself 
against  Chinese  residents.  More  than  two  hundred,  some  claim 
three  hundred,  were  massacred.  That  the  incident  was  not  due 
to  general  and  widespread  hostility  to  foreigners  or  to  Chinese 
as  such  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  at  no  other  place  was  such 
massacre  of  Chinese  indulged  in,  although  there  were  plenty  of 
towns  in  the  disturbed  area  which  contained  a  sprinkling  of 
Chinese  population. 

At  Pachuca,  the  capital  city  of  Hidalgo,  on  May  15th,  a  de- 
mand was  made  by  the  revolutionary  leaders  for  the  surrender 
of  the  town.  Governor  Rodriguez  was  not  only  ready  to  sur- 
render; he  gave  the  order  to  the  leader  of  his  rurales  that  sur- 
render should  be  made.  Instead  of  obeying  the  governor's 
order,  the  leader  of  the  rurales  with  his  forces  proceeded  to 
plunder  and  loot  the  city.  For  some  hours  they  pursued  their 
destructive  rioting.  The  revolutionary  forces,  when  they  en- 
tered the  city,  soon  put  an  end  to  the  disturbance,  and  restored 
order. 

THE    KESIGNATION    OF    DIAZ 

On  May  17th,  at  a  meeting  of  the  cabinet  ministers  held  at 
his  house,  President  Diaz  agreed  that  the  resignation  of  himself 
as  President  and  Vice-President  Corral  would  be  presented  to 
Congress  "before  the  last  day  of  the  month. "  When  this 
news  was  reported  to  Madero,  he  telegraphed  an  inquiry  to 
President  Diaz:  "It  is  necessary  to  know  whether  the  notice 
of  your  resignation  is  certain.  I  beg  that  you  will  answer  me 
directly. "  The  answer  was:  "I  shall  resign  in  the  course  of 
the  present  month.  The  Licenciado  Carbajal  will  give  you  the 
further  particulars." 

Why  was  this  delay  from  the  17th  until  the  31st  of  May? 
Who  can  say?  People  generally  were  inclined  to  think  that  it 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  Eeyes  had  been  ordered  home  from 
Paris  and  was  nearing  Mexico.  On  May  20th  he  reached 
Havana,  Cuba,  on  the  steamer  Ypiranga.  Is  it  possible  that 


274  STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 

President  Diaz  hoped  even  at  that  late  hour  to  stay  the  tide  of 
revolution?  Is  it  possible  that  he  hoped  that  the  appearance 
of  General  Reyes  on  Mexican  soil  would  rally  supporters  to  the 
fallen  cause?  Eeyes  was  once  a  popular  idol;  would  his  pop- 
ularity perhaps  still  save  the  day!  It  hardly  seems  that  he 
could  have  thought  so,  but  stranger  things  happened  during 
1911.  However  that  may  be,  General  Reyes  found  orders  await- 
ing him  in  Havana,  directing  that  he  wait  there  until  he  be 
requested  to  come  further.  These  orders  seem  to  have  been 
sent  him  by  Francisco  I.  Madero.  Eeyes  delayed. 

THE   PEACE    TREATY 

On  May  21st  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed.  It  consisted 
of  four  points  of  agreement :  First,  the  resignation  before  the 
end  of  the  month  of  Porfirio  Diaz  and  Ramon  Corral.  Second, 
the  Licenciado  Francisco  L.  de  la  Barra,  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Relations,  will  have  charge  of  the  executive  power  during  the 
interim  and  will  order  general  elections  within  the  terms  of  the 
Constitution.  Third,  the  new  government  will  study  the  con- 
ditions of  public  opinion  in  order  to  satisfy  them  in  each  state 
within  the  constituted  order  and  will  grant  indemnifications  for 
the  damages  directly  caused  by  the  revolution.  Fourth,  from 
this  moment  hostilities  between  the  government  forces  and 
those  of  the  revolution  shall  cease. 

These  were  the  terms  of  the  public  treaty  of  peace.  There 
were  also  secret  understandings  arranged  regarding  the  details 
of  the  new  governmental  organization,  the  state  governors, 
congress,  and  the  attitude  of  the  provincial  government  toward 
the  revolutionary  leaders. 

THE  FINAL,  ACT 

The  day  finally  set  for  the  resignation  of  President  Diaz 
was  the  24th  of  May.  At  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  a 
great  crowd  of  people  thronged  the  House  of  Deputies  to  wit- 
ness the  solemn  act.  To  the  surprise  of  every  one,  Congress 
proceeded  with  ordinary  business  of  no  importance,  as  if  this 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION  275 

matter  of  vital  consequence  were  not  before  it.  Tumult  ensued, 
threats  of  clearing  the  chamber  had  to  be  made,  and  finally, 
in  order  to  quiet  public  clamor,  Senor  Calero  rose  and  stated 
that  the  reason  why  they  were  not  considering  the  matter  of 
the  resignations  was  because  those  documents  had  not  yet  been 
presented  to  them. 

This  was  too  much  for  the  angry  mob.  Those  who  had 
gathered  in  the  House  of  Deputies  in  order  to  witness  the  sol- 
emn ceremony  left  in  serious  exasperation.  Crowds  soon  gath- 
ered on  the  streets ;  the  building  of  the  Jockey  Club  was  stoned ; 
store  windows  were  broken;  the  mob  hastened  to  the  house  of 
General  Diaz,  which  was  defended  by  numerous  troops.  The 
noise  of  tumult,  however,  penetrated  to  the  house.  Part  of  the 
mob  directed  its  way  to  the  great  plaza,  and  in  front  of  the 
National  Palace,  made  a  demonstration.  The  police  fired  upon 
the  crowd.  Three  gendarmes  and  nine  citizens  were  killed, 
and  nineteen  persons  are  known  to  have  been  seriously  wounded. 
This  street  demonstration  and  street  killing  was  simply  due  to 
the  vacillation  and  hesitancy  of  the  old  man  in  carrying  out  his 
promise  to  the  people. 

The  following  day  the  disturbances  continued  on  the  streets. 
One  killed  and  three  wounded  was  the  net  result.  The  disturb- 
ances continued  through  the  morning.  In  the  afternoon  the 
resignations  promised  were  sent  to  congress,  and  immediately 
accepted  by  that  body.  With  this  action  quiet  ensued. 


276 


STORY  OF  THE  MADERO  REVOLUTION 


INDIAN   MEXICO 

MEXICAN      INDIANS     SUSPICIOUS SUPERSTITIONS HOME     LIFE      OF 

INDIANS INDIAN  CONSEEVATISM IGNORANCE TRANSMISSION  OF 

NEWS — THE  INDIAN'S  DESIRE — MISTAKEN  INDIAN   POLICY — SEP- 
ARATED AND  ISOLATED THE  HOPE  OF  MEXICO. 

ONE  of  the  most  serious  problems  left  unsolved  by  Porfirio 
Diaz  was  the  Mexican  Indian.  If  we  consider  the  total 
population  of  the  republic  to  reach  the  figure  of  fifteen 
millions  persons,  it  is  likely  that  six  million  of  these  are  Indians 
of  pure  blood.  If  we  draw  a  line  across  Mexico  a  little  north 
of  the  capital  city,  we  may  quite  fairly  call  the  portion  lying 
south  of  it  by  the  name  of  Indian  Mexico.  The  cities  in  this 
area  are  not  Indian,  though  Oaxaca  and  some  others  in  the  south 
have  a  large  number  of  Indians  in  their  population.  But  out- 
side the  cities  the  population  is  almost  purely  such.  There  are 
true  Indian  villages  within  twenty-five  minutes  of  the  Plaza  .of 
the  capital;  there  are  important  Indian  towns  within  an  hour's 
ride  by  railway  train;  Aztec  may  be  heard  in  current  use,  as 
the  ordinary  language,  at  points  within  the  valley  of  Mexico 
itself;  troops  of  Otomi  Indians  pass  through  the  streets  of 
Mexico  almost  daily;  when  celebrating  the  centennial,  it  was 
not  necessary  to  send  far  for  Indians  to  participate  in  the  his- 
torical procession  which  formed  so  striking  a  feature  in  that 
splendid  pageant.  The  State  of  Tlaxcala  is  almost  purely 
Indian  and  is  one  of  the  most  densely  populated  states  of  the 
republic;  the  State  of  Oaxaca  has  been  said  to  have  more  than 
90  per  cent  of  Indian  population ;  there  are  undoubtedly  sections 
of  Mexico  where  the  blood  of  white  men  is-  breeding  out  and  the 
percentage  of  Indian  blood  increasing. 

I  know  the  Mexican  Indian  well.  During  four  years  the 
whole  of  my  free  time  was  devoted  to  a  study  of  him  in  his 
mountain  home,  in  the  states  of  Hidalgo,  Vera  Cruz,  Puebla, 
Tlaxcala,  Michoacan,  Oaxaca,  Chiapas  and  Yucatan.  Thousands 

277 


278 


INDIAN  MEXICO 


of  them  have  passed  through  my  hands  for  inspection,  measure- 
ment and  examination.  They  differ  of  course  from  tribe  to 
tribe,  from  region  to  region.  The  Archbishop  of  Oaxaca  once 
said  to  me :  ' i  Within  my  diocese  there  are  many  different  kinds 
of  Indians;  there  are  tall  ones  and  short  ones,  handsome  and 
ugly  ones,  stupid  and  bright  ones;  they  range  from  black  to 
orange  yellow. "  Yet  there  are  certain  characteristics  common 
to  all,  and  one  may  form  a  general  conception  of  Mexican  Indians 
which  will  be  for  the  most  part  true. 

MEXICAN   INDIANS  SUSPICIOUS 

The  Indians  of  Mexico  are  suspicious.  Within  their  little 
villages  every  man  knows  his  neighbor;  no  man  knows  out- 
siders; the  stranger  is  dreaded.  There  are  many  towns  which 
object  to  harboring  an  outsider  for  a  single  night.  They  cannot 
understand  why  anyone  should  come  to  them  unless  he  has 
designs  against  them.  They  are  afraid  of  being  robbed  of  land ; 
they  suspect  new  forms  of  taxation;  they  fear  that  they  may 
be  forced  into  military  service;  they  fear  lest  they  be  made  to 
labor  on  distant  plantations  for  foreign  owners.  These  fears  are 
based  upon  old  experience,  and  on  the  whole  are  not  without 
foundation;  but  beyond  this,  there  is  the  natural  suspicion  of 
outsiders  common  to  peoples  living  in  isolation.  Nor  is  their 
suspicion  limited  to  white  men.  Not  only  are  there  long-standing 
feuds  between  tribes,  but  there  are  difficulties  often  between 
villages  of  the  same  people.  Not  uncommonly  the  traveler  finds 
it  difficult  to  secure  food  and  shelter  for  his  Indian  servant; 
the  village  that  may  perhaps  be  willing  to  supply  him  with 
what  he  needs  will  absolutely  refuse  to  minister  to  the  necessity 
of  his  mozo. 

SUPERSTITIONS 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  Indians  of  Southern  Mexico  are 
superstitious.  Nominally  and  theoretically  all  of  them  are 
Catholics ;  many  of  them,  in  fact,  are  devoutly  so.  They  have, 
however,  been  sadly  neglected.  In  many  Indian  villages  the 


INDIAN  MEXICO  279 

priest  comes  but  one  a  year  (upon  the  Saint's  day),  or  twice, 
to  say  mass,  to  baptize,  to  unite  in  holy  matrimony,  or  to  repeat 
prayers  for  the  dead.  There  are  few  villages  but  have  a  church, 
and  frequently  the  church  is  fine,  out  of  all  proportion  to  the 
importance  of  the  prosperity  of  the  community.  But  while 
Catholics,  the  Indians  are  also  pagans.  Magic  and  ancient  witch- 
craft still  form  an  important  element  in  their  life,  for  most  of 
the  Catholicism  is  a  varnish  or  veneer  over  the  old  idolatry. 
Archbishop  Gillow  once  showed  me  a  wooden  figure,  crudely 
painted,  of  a  rain  god  which  had  been  taken  from  the  church  of 
Mixistlan.  It  was  found  in  the  church  itself  at  the  high  altar 
with  the  crucifix  and  figure  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  Many  of 
the  modern  churches  occupy  the  sites  of  ancient  temples,  and  not 
infrequently  the  worship  there  performed  is  a  worship  to  the 
old  gods  masquerading  under  a  Christian  name.  The  church 
upon  the  Pyramid  of  Cholula  replaces  a  temple  of  Quetzalcoatl — 
the  Fair  God;  it  is  likely  that  the  "church  of  the  thieves "  in 
Huixquilucan  of  the  Otomis,  has  done  the  same ;  they  give  room 
for  thought.  The  churches  at  Guadalupe  occupy  a  site  that  was 
sacred  to  the  ancient  Aztecs;  the  mother  of  God  perhaps  was 
forced  to  make  her  apparitions  at  the  rock  sacred  to  Tonantzin 
(mother  of  gods).  For  many  of  the  thousands  of  Indians  who 
gather  at  those  shrines  it  is  certain  that  the  act  of  worship  is 
the  same  today  as  anciently.  Were  there  room,  an  interesting 
chapter  could  be  filled  with  citations  of  survivals  of  paganism 
among  the  Mexican  Indians ;  and  chapters  more  could  be  filled 
with  examples  of  their  superstitions  and  superstitious  practices. 

HOME  LIFE   OF  INDIANS 

The  Mexican  Indians  are  not  lazy,  nor  are  they  cowards. 
In  their  mountain  homes  they  cultivate  the  land  and  raise 
sufficient  harvests  for  their  annual  needs ;  in  many  villages  they 
raise  coffee  and  fruits ;  some  towns  produce  mattings,  basketry, 
pottery,  manias,  and  blankets ;  in  many  places  they  burn  char- 
coal. Some  of  these  products  of  their  industry  are  meant  for 
export  and  are  carried  on  human  backs  over  the  mountains  to  a 


280 


INDIAN  MEXICO 


INDIAN  MEXICO  281 

market.  Bands  of  Mixes  go  a  hundred  miles  or  more  to  Oaxaca 
with  heavy  burdens  of  charcoal,  coffee,  or  fruit.  It  is  said  that 
the  man,  who  has  carried  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  upon  his  back  up  to  the  city  and  having  no  burden  for 
his  homeward  journey,  will  load  his  carrying-frame  with  stones 
and  carry  them  over  the  weary  trails  back  to  his  village ;  perhaps 
the  practice  is  not  altogether  foolish.  The  Mexican  Indians  are 
timid  and  suspicious,  but  they  are  not  cowards.  They  are  not 
afraid  of  death;  when  they  have  a  leader,  they  make  good 
soldiers ;  if  equipped,  they  would  defend  their  village  and  their 
land  with  bravery;  to  the  last  man,  if  they  knew  they  had  a 
nation,  they  would  fight  for  it  most  gladly. 

The  Mexican  Indians  are  very  poor.  They  may,  however, 
be  happy.  If  unoppressed,  they  gain  a  living  rather  easily; 
they  want  no  more ;  why  should  they  ?  In  their  towns  they  can 
produce  all  that  they  need;  materials  for  their  simple  houses 
are  abundant  in  their  immediate  locality ;  food  sufficient  for  the 
year's  needs  can  be  found  and  cultivated;  cotton,  and  in  some 
localities  wool,  is  at  hand,  and  the  women  know  how  to  spin 
and  weave.  Shelter,  food  and  clothing,  all  are  within  reach. 
What  more  is  necessary?  If  they  have  desires  for  anything 
beyond,  the  coffee  and  the  charcoal  will  procure  it.  Whether 
they  would  be  any  better  or  happier  if  their  needs  were  greater 
admits  of  question.  Probably  if  they  are  to  contribute  seriously 
to  the  upbuilding  of  a  great  nation,  their  desires  must  be  multi- 
plied. As  it  is,  they  live  close  to  the  margin.  A  party  of  a 
half  dozen  quartered  on  an  ordinary  Indian  town  in  the  mountain 
districts,  may  be  a  serious  burden ;  even  the  traveler  who  pays 
for  all  he  uses  is  no  blessing;  the  man  who  sells  him  food  for 
himself  and  fodder  for  his  horses,  is  dissatisfied ;  he  knows  that 
he  is  likely  to  be  forced  to  buy  the  same  things  for  his  own 
needs  a  little  later  at  even  higher  prices. 

INDIAN    CONSERVATISM 

The  Mexican  Indians  are  conservative.  Curious  differences 
in  this  respect  are  seen.  The  Mixes  on  the  whole  are  among 


282  INDIAN  MEXICO 

those  that  have  been  least  affected  by  outside  influence;  all 
of  them  speak  their  harsh  language  and  most  of  them  know 
little  or  no  Spanish.  Yet  in  the  matter  of  dress,  they  are  the 
least  conservative  of  Mexican  Indians.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Zapotecs  are  largely  in  the  habit  of  speaking  Spanisl},  although 
all  also  use  their  native  tongue ;  but  in  the  matter  of  dress  they 
still  wear  the  old  cueitl,  huipili,  and  huipilili,  made  of  material 
of  their  own  weaving. 

IGNORANCE 

In  many  things  the  Mexican  Indian  is  frightfully  ignorant. 
He  is  not  lacking,  for  the  most  part,  in  intelligence;  he  knows 
the  necessities  for  his  daily  life  in  his  little  town;  he  is  well 
informed  in  all  the  village  happenings;  he  can  appreciate  jus- 
tice and  hate  injustice.  But  his  range  of  thought  is  very  nar- 
row ;  he  often  speaks  no  language  but  his  own ;  he  knows  neither 
to  read  nor  write,  may  or  may  not  have  been  to  the  nearest 
market-town ;  he  has  rarely  seen  a  foreigner  and  knows  nothing 
of  outside  lands. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  he  knows  the  name  of  the  governor 
of  his  state  or  of  the  president  of  the  republic;  both  state  and 
republic  are  very  vague,  indefinite,  ideas  for  him.  Martin 
Gonzales,  for  many  years  governor  of  the  State  of  Oaxaca,  once 
hesitated  to  give  me  a  general  letter  of  introduction  to  all  the 
officials  of  his  state;  he  said:  "You  should  never  go  to  an 
Indian  town  until  you  have  been  to  the  district  capital  and 
secured  ordenes  from  the  jefe  politico;  these  Indians  do  not 
know  me  nor  my  name,  but  they  know  their  jefe  politico.''  To 
them  their  village  is  the  center  of  the  world.  It  is  rare  for  them 
to  exhibit  curiosity  regarding  the  place  from  which  the  occa- 
sional visitor  has  come.  In  order  to  answer  the  few  who 
betray  curiosity  in  such  matters,  it  has  been  my  custom  to  indi- 
cate my  own  provenance  indirectly.  A  Chinantec  Indian  once 
asked  about  my  home.  He  had  never  seen  a  railroad  train,  but 
knew  of  it  and  that  it  made  extraordinary  speed.  I  told  him, 
1 '  To  reach  my  home,  you  must  travel  two  days  on  foot  over  the 


INDIAN  MEXICO  283 

trail  to  Cuicatlan ;  a  train  takes  you  the  following  day  to  Puebla ; 
the  next  day  another  train  carries  you  to  Mexico  City  where 
Don  Porfirio  lives ;  another  train,  taken  at  night,  traveling  night 
and  day,  reaches  my  city  in  four  nights  and  three  days  of  con- 
stant going. "  As  I  spoke,  a  look  of  sympathy  and  pity  passed 
over  the  old  man's  face,  and  shaking  his  head,  he  said:  "Ah, 
sir,  what  a  remote  and  out-of-the-world  place  you  come  from." 
It  is  probable  that  most  Mexican  Indians  knew  the  name  of 
Porfirio  Diaz.  He  had  been  a  fugitive  in  their  own  mountains ; 
he  had  slept  in  many  of  their  villages ;  members  of  their  tribes 
had  served  in  his  army  and  as  his  body-guard;  relatives  of  many 
of  them  had  been  blown  to  pieces  for  disobeying  his  orders,  or 
causing  him  trouble.  He  was  undoubtedly  the  one  man  widely 
known  among  them. 

TRANSMISSION    OF    NEWS 

Every  one  who  actually  knows  Mexico  is  frequently  aston- 
ished at  the  way  in  which  news  and  information  travel.  Fre- 
quently the  peon  in  the  City  of  Mexico  knows  the  result  of  a 
revolutionary  battle  at  a  distance  as  quickly  and  as  perfectly 
as  the  authorities  who  have  control  of  the  means  of  communica- 
tion. It  is  little  less  than  marvelous  how  certain  kinds  of  news 
travel.  An  insurrection  is  no  secret,  and  while  the  Indian  may 
know  nothing  of  its  causes,  methods,  principles,  or  leaders,  the 
fact  is  promptly  known. 

WHAT  HE  DESIRES 

The  one  desire  of  the  Indian  is  to  be  let  alone  in  his  little 
world.  He  loves  his  village  and  his  little  patch  of  land.  He 
cares  nothing  for  the  outside  world.  Content  with  little,  he 
makes  no  strife  for  wealth  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  though  he 
can  appreciate  the  kind  of  comfort  recognized  among  his  kind. 
To  be  left  alone  he  will  pay  taxes ;  he  has  paid  heavy  taxes  in 
the  past,  and  is  paying  heavy  taxes  in  the  present ;  he  does  not 
know  what  they  are  used  for;  he  looks  upon  them  as  a  tribute 
paid  for  being  left  alone. 


284 


INDIAN  MEXICO 


,,,..,, 

I     I    III 

•iiihiim,.; 


INDIAN  MEXICO 


285 


286  INDIAN  MEXICO 

MISTAKEN   INDIAN   POLICY 

Under  the  grand  regime  he  was  sadly  treated.  It  was  policy, 
that  he  be  kept  in  ignorance.  It  was  easier  to  deal  with  Indians 
in  little  tribes  with  local  prejudices  than  to  deal  with  them  as 
millions  of  citizens  of  a  republic.  It  is  true  that  they  knew 
their  jefe  politico.  He  was  appointed  by  the  Governor  and 
was  expected  to  keep  order  and  turn  over  the  local  taxes.  As 
long  as  he  did  that,  he  was  considered  a  good  officer  and  was 
reasonably  secure  in  his  position.  He  was  a  brute  or  worse; 
his  was  the  iron  hand;  he  not  only  turned  in  the  taxes  which 
were  assessed  to  him  by  the  state  government,  but  grew  rich 
and  fattened  from  the  excess  which  he  ground  out  of  the 
Indians.  In  many  parts  of  the  republic  lands  were  taken  from 
the  unfortunate  and  ignorant  Indians.  This  was  usually  done 
through  the  operation  of  new  laws  of  which  the  poor  creatures 
were  completely  ignorant  or  which  they  could  not  understand; 
they  knew  that  the  little  patches  of  ground  which  they  and 
their  fathers  had  cultivated  since  the  days  of  the  Conquest  were 
taken  from  them  and  they  had  no  redress;  so  common  were 
such  acts  of  dispossession  that  every  village  lived  in  constant 
fear;  the  appearance  of  a  stranger  in  the  town  was  often  con- 
sidered to  be  simply  the  preliminary  of  dispossession;  the  sight 
of  a  surveyor's  instrument,  or  of  a  camera,  which  many  of 
them  thought  to  be  the  same  thing,  caused  uneasy  feelings. 
Not  only  were  they  dispossessed  of  their  own  land,  but  they 
were  frequently  forced  against  their  will,  on  flimsy  pretexts, 
to  work  upon  plantations  for  the  foreigner.  There  are  places 
in  Chiapas,  where  large  Indian  towns  have  been  depopulated, 
where  the  jefe  politico,  on  some  pretext  or  other,  had  sold 
the  labor  of  the  town  people  to  American  and  German  coffee, 
rubber,  and  hennequin  planters.  Once  in  the  hands  of  these 
employers  of  labor,  foreigners,  strangers  in  blood  and  speech, 
exploiters,  the  unhappy  Indians  were  actually  in  slavery ;  the- 
oretically working  out  a  debt  or  fine,  they  never  succeeded  in 
paying  off  their  obligations  and  died  as  they  lived  on  strang- 


INDIAN  MEXICO  287 

. 

ers'  land.  Ignorant,  oppressed,  dispossessed,  enslaved — it  is 
not  strange  that  their  natural  suspicions  were  increased  and 
that  from  time  to  time  they  attempted  resistance.  Hopeless 
resistance — ignorant,  undirected,  unled.  When  such  evidences 
of  dissatisfaction  and  uneasiness  appeared,  they  were  promptly 
and  firmly  dealt  with  by  the  great  ruler.  Ask  the  Totonacs, 
who  saw  their  brothers  blown  to  pieces  by  cannon  about  the 
firm  rule  of  the  benevolent  dictator. 

Yet  on  the  whole  Don  Porfirio  was  kindly  inclined  toward 
his  Indians.  He  knew  them  much  better  than  most  people  do. 
But  it  was  easier  to  treat  them  like  children  than  like  men; 
easier  to  manage  them  separated  and  divided  than  united.  To 
be  sure  it  was  a  temporizing  method  of  procedure.  It  was  not 
the  way  to  develop  a  real  nation.  But  to  produce  an  actual 
nation  of  ambassadorial  rank  out  of  such  material  was  a  serious 
problem.  Anyway,  it  looked  as  if  conditions  would  remain 
in  statu  until  his  period  was  past.  And — i  i  After  us  the  deluge. ' ' 

SEPAKATED  AND  ISOLATED 

Separated  and  isolated,  such  are  the  Indians  of  Mexico. 
They  are  separated  in  language  and  by  it;  there  are  fifteen 
languages  still  spoken  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca;  there  are 
thirteen  in  Chiapas — some  of  them  included  in  the  Oaxaca  list ; 
there  are  others  in  the  State  of  Guerrero,  others  in  Michoacan. 
There  are  not  as  many  as  in  the  days  of  Cortes — many  languages 
and  dialects  have  disappeared — but  there  is  astonishing  diver- 
sity in  language,  and  of  course  this  diversity  is  a  bar  of  sepa- 
ration between  the  Indians.  They  are  separated  in  topog- 
raphy and  by  it.  A  given  tribe  occupies  a  little  valley,  or 
builds  its  villages  upon  a  single  mountain  crest,  or  settles  on 
the  cultivable  patches  along  a  stream;  located  by  natural  con- 
ditions, their  little  world  is  marked  out  for  them,  and  they  can- 
not, do  not,  think  beyond  it.  They  are  separated  in  ignorance 
and  by  it.  Knowing  nothing  of  men  and  things  outside  of  their 
towns,  they  fear  and  suspect  all  others;  superstitions  flourish; 
progress  is  impossible. 


288  INDIAN  MEXICO 

THE   HOPE   OF   MEXICO 

Yet  most  tribes  of  Mexican  Indians  have  admirable  quali- 
ties. They  are  not  lazy,  but  industrious;  they  have  push  and 
energy;  though  badly  nourished,  they  are  strong  and  endur- 
ing; they  are  persistent  and  firm — even  to  stubborness;  they 
are  capable  of  purpose  and  ideals.  It  was  in  a  miserable  Indian 
town  of  Oaxaca  that  Benito  Juarez  was  born;  to  him  the  very 
existence  of  Mexico  as  an  independent  nation  to-day  is  due.  It 
was  in  a  miserable  Aztec  town  of  Guerrero  that  Ignacio  M. 
Altamirano  was  born;  he  was  a  man  of  letters  and  creditably 
represented  his  nation  in  the  courts  of  Spain  and  France.  The 
Mexican  Indian  is  represented  in  art  by  the  painter  Cabrera, 
and  the  sculptor  Instolinque.  Nor  are  men  of  achievement 
from  the  Indian  ranks  so  rare  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  extend 
this  list  respectably.  Some  of  the  best  qualities  of  Diaz  him- 
self were  unquestionably  due  to  his  Indian  blood;  it  was  not 
much  indeed  that  flowed  in  his  veins;  his  father  was  Spanish 
and  his  mother  but  a  quarter  blood  Mixtec ;  but  his  persistence, 
firmness,  and  force,  his  simplicity  in  life,  and  his  endurance 
were  distinctly  Indian  traits.  The  Indian  indeed  is  Mexico's 
hope.  If  the  nation  is  to  become  truly  great,  it  can  only  be 
through  the  elevation  and  development  of  its  Indian  population. 


INTERIOR  OF  ARMORED  CAR. 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS 


WIDESPREAD     DISSATISFACTION  PREMONITORY     RUMBLINGS  THE 

STORM    BURSTS — AN    EYE-WITNESS RESTRAINT    OF    THE    COMMON 

PEOPLE— THE  FALL. 

THERE  was  a  time,  within  my  personal  knowledge  of  the 
City  of  Mexico,  when  any  procession  caused  a  delirium 
of  joy;  when  any  spectacle  caused  gaiety.     In  1910  that 
time  was  past.     During  the  centennial  celebration  there  were 
such  splendid  spectacles  as  the  Mexican  people  had  never  seen, 
yet  scarcely  a  sign  of  pleasure;  thousands  thronged  to  watch 
the  passing  show,  yet  there  was  no  outburst  of  delight;  Porfirio 

289 


290  THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS 

Diaz,  brilliant  with  royal  decorations,  and  distinguished  guests 
swept  by  without  applause. 

WIDESPREAD   DISSATISFACTION 

Through  the  month  I  elbowed  my  way  through  the  crowds 
and  talked  with  man,  woman  and  child.  It  is  safe  to  say  I  in- 
terviewed a  thousand  persons.  I  always  began  with  some  nat- 
ural word  of  praise  or  commendation ;  and  I  never  had  an  appre- 
ciative response,  not  once. 

"What  a  splendid  procession ! ' ' 

"Yes,  sir,  but  what  result  has  it?" 

"What  a  beautiful  illumination!" 

"Who  pays  for  it,  sir?" 

"Hurrah!  here  comes  Don  Porfirio!" 

"He  surrounds  himself  with  bad  ministers." 

"What  a  magnificent  building!" 

"Who  has  grown  rich  out  of  it,  sir,  while  the  people  starve?" 

"What  a  glorious  celebration  of  your  independence!" 

"Our  independence  is  dead,  sir." 

But  these  might  be  the  discontented  people  of  the  streets; 
so  I  talked  with  barbers,  tailors,  printers,  doctors,  little  shop- 
keepers, reporters,  lawyers,  government  officers,  soldiers,  and 
policemen,  but  it  was  all  the  same.  No  one  respected  the  gov- 
ernment of  Don  Porfirio ;  and  the  mention  of  that  detested  man, 
Eamon  Corral,  or  of  some  of  the  other  ministers,  brought  out 
expressions  of  hatred  from  this  long-suffering,  gentle  people. 
At  least  in  the  capital  city,  ninety-five  per  cent  of  the  people 
seemed  ripe  for  revolution.  There  was  a  floating  suggestion 
that  an  outbreak  might  take  place  on  the  night  of  the  14th.  I 
asked  about  this,  and  more  than  one  replied:  "What!  an  out- 
break on  the  14th !  with  all  these  foreign  guests  here,  invited  to 
celebrate  our  independence!  oh,  no,  sir,  never!  we  shall  wait; 
nothing  will  happen  until  September  is  past." 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS  291 

PKEMONITORY  EUMBLINGS 

There  were,  however,  incidents.  They  were  kept  out  of  Eng- 
lish papers  and  the  government-subsidized  Spanish  sheets.  One 
of  these  was  the  interesting  incident  of  Sept.  11,  on  the 
Paseco  de  la  Beforma,  in  the  shadow  of  the  Columbus  monu- 
ment, elsewhere  described.  That  I  saw.  I  did  not  see  the  fear- 
ful thing  of  Sept.  16,  in  the  State  of  Tlaxcala,  but  I  heard  it 
talked  about  on  the  streets  of  Puebla  and  read  the  notice  in 
the  Diario  del  Hogar,  a  reliable  opposition  newspaper.  Tlaxcala 
is  a  little  state,  largely  Indian;  it  has  long  been  misruled  by 
Prospero  Cahuantzi,  himself  an  Indian,  friend  of  Porfirio  Diaz, 
and  one  of  the  worst  of  the  many  bad  governors  of  Mexican 
states.  In  the  villages  of  Santo  Toribio  Xicotzingo  and  Zaca- 
talco,  the  anti-reelectionists  had  asked  permission  to  hold  a  pro- 
cession on  the  16th,  Independence  Day.  They  gathered  and 
carried  out  their  program  in  Zacatalco  and  then  those  of  Xicot- 
zingo marched  back  to  the  plaza  of  their  village  where  they  were 
on  the  point  of  dispersing ;  there  had  been  no  disorder.  A  couple 
of  rurales  rode  up  and  assaulted  them,  but  were  repulsed  with 
stones.  At  that  moment  fifty  cavalry  men  appeared,  and  with 
insulting  words,  fired  upon  the  party,  killing  more  than  a  dozen 
men  and  women ;  the  others  fled  to  their  homes  like  rabbits. 

On  Sept.  13,  a  petition  signed  by  thousands,  was  presented 
to  the  National  Congress  from  the  State  of  Oaxaea.  It  pro- 
tested against  the  seating  of  Governor  Pimentel,  who  claimed 
reelection  in  the  election  held  last  June.  To  sign  such  a  protest 
in  Mexico  at  that  time  demanded  great  courage.  Signers  of 
complaints  became  marked  men.  Perhaps  here  they  felt  strength 
in  numbers.  Were  not  terror  the  law  in  Mexico,  similar  peti- 
tions and  protests  would  have  been  made  against  Governor 
Martinez  of  Puebla,  Mercado  of  Michoacan,  Cahuantzi  of 
Tlaxcala,  and  others — the  list  is  long.  In  March,  1911,  I  was 
conversing  with  an  important  Mexican  official  about  bad  gov- 
ernors; after  I  had  mentioned  a  dozen,  he  added,  " — and — 
and — and — ?"  None  of  these  men  were  actually  elected  by 


292 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CAKDS 


popular  vote.     It  was  long  since  any  one  of  them  had  had  a 
legal  right  to  office. 


A  FIRM  GRIP. 
THE  STORM  BURSTS 

The  storm  was  gathering.  The  revolution  was  organizing. 
Its  war  cry  was  the  election  of  1910 ;  its  mottoes  were,  "Effective 
suffrage"  and  "No  reelection' ';  its  field  was  a  population 
reduced  to  desperation  by  a  long  administration  of  injustice. 
Any  leader  could  have  gained  a  following ;  any  leader  of  ability 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS  293 

was  almost  certain  of  success.  At  the  time  when  he  began  the 
struggle,  Madero  had  neither  fame  nor  record,  experience,  nor 
following.  His  book  stated  many  important  principles  and 
carried  force,  though  it  was  by  no  means  a  well-constructed 
argument;  his  plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi  is  fairly  written,  shows 
little  serious  thought,  and  announces  nothing  really  new.  He 
knew  nothing  of  military  matters;  he  was  considered,  even  by 
his  intimate  acquaintances,  a  dreamer,  unpractical,  almost  an 
imbecile.  He  had,  however,  some  qualities  of  leadership.  He 
was  honest,  after  a  fashion  fearless,  persistent,  sanguine,  and 
had  entire  confidence  in  himself  and  in  his  mission.  In  the 
preparation  for  the  outbreak,  he  showed  considerable  judg- 
ment; he  succeeded  in  making  a  favorable  impression  upon 
Americans  and  in  gaining  wide  sympathy  among  the  warm- 
hearted people  along  our  southern  border. 

It  had  been  planned  that  the  rising  should  be  general  over 
the  Republic;  Nov.  20  had  been  appointed  as  the  day  of 
outbreak.  The  Diaz  government  realized  that  trouble  was  brew- 
ing, but  they  underestimated  its  seriousness.  Several  days 
before  the  20th,  the  police  of  the  capital  city  had  discovered 
some  details  of  the  plot.  Weapons  and  ammunition  were  dis- 
covered, in  the  express  offices,  declared  as  agricultural  imple- 
ments, and  these  had  been  seized;  those  to  whom  they  were 
consigned  were  arrested  and  held.  On  the  18th  of  November, 
two  days  before  the  date  appointed,  suspicion  led  to  the  search- 
ing of  the  house  of  Aquiles  Serdan  in  Puebla.  The  interesting 
battle  which  took  place  there,  and  which,  in  a  sense,  may  bo 
considered  the  first  public  act  of  the  revolution,  has  already 
been  described  in  an  earlier  chapter.  As  the  day  approached, 
Francisco  I.  Madero,  who  had  been  having  his  headquarters  in 
San  Antonio,  Texas,  crossed  the  Eio  Grande  into  Mexico  and 
joined  his  supporters,  ready  to  lead  the  insurrection  in  his  own 
state,  Coahuila.  The  general  outbreak  of  the  revolution  on  the 
day  appointed  was  disappointing;  the  demonstrations  made 
were  by  no  means  formidable ;  almost  everywhere  the  plotters 
seemed  to  have  determined  to  wait  to  see  what  took  place  in 


294 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS 


other  places  before  they  risked  themselves  in  an  adventure 
which  might  prove  disastrous. 

A.N   EYEWITNESS 

I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  spend  the  months  of  January,  Feb- 
ruary, and  March,  1911,  in  Mexico;  it  was  an  opportunity  to 
feel  a  people  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution.  One  felt  that  Madero 
in  the  field  in  Northern  Mexico  was  but  a  part  of  a  great  move- 
ment. At  that  time  there  had  been  fighting  in  Chihuahua, 
Sonora,  and  Lower  California;  there  had  been  outbreaks  in 
the  States  of  Yucatan,  Vera  Cruz,  Tlaxcala,  Puebla,  Guerrero, 
and  elsewhere.  The  revolutionists  lacked  leaders  and  unity  of 
plan,  but  everywhere  the  people  were  dissatisfied  to  the  degree 
that  they  were  ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives.  No  restoration 
of  quiet  was  possible  in  Mexico  until  the  demands  of  the  aroused 
populace  should  be  met.  The  common  people  were  waking; 
they  were  thinking;  they  were  talking.  I  saw  and  felt  the 
movement,  not  on  the  battle-field,  but  at  the  center — the  capital 
city.  Daily  the  intimidated  and  subsidized  press  reported  fed- 
eral victories  and  defeats  of  the  revolutionary  forces.  But 
they  deceived  no  one.  It  was  wonderful  how  quickly  and  cor- 
rectly the  common  people  learned  the  news;  they  knew  details 
of  battles,  deaths  of  leaders,  plans  of  campaign,  days  before 
the  publication  of  these  facts  took  place  in  periodicals. 

RESTRAINT  OF  THE  COMMON  PEOPLE 

One  of  the  most  striking  and  interesting  features  of  the 
situation  was  the  calmness  of  the  people  in  the  city.  As  the 
government  forces  lost  ground,  and  the  case  began  to  look 
desperate,  force  after  force  was  sent  to  the  points  of  disturb- 
ance. Every  one  in  the  great  city  knew  precisely  how  the  forces 
were  being  drained  off  into  distant  regions.  Finally,  there  was 
actually  no  force  left  in  the  City  of  Mexico  for  its  protection. 
The  fact  was  known  to  man,  woman  and  child;  the  beggars, 
rateros,  criminals,  knew  that  the  city  was  defenseless.  If  it 
had  been  Chicago,  there  would  have  been  violence ;  if  New  York, 
destruction  of  life  and  property;  if  London,  years  would  have 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS  295 

been  necessary  to  repair  the  damages  which  would  have  been 
inflicted;  if  Paris,  the  horrors  would  have  been  such  as  to  be 
remembered  for  generations.  But  in  Mexico  there  was  no  dis- 
turbance; the  starving,  vicious,  depraved,  and  criminal,  raised 
no  hand,  created  no  disturbance.  I  was  so  happy  as  to  see  the 
yielding  on  the  part  of  the  old  regime.  "While  I  was  in  Mexico, 
Porfirio  Diaz  announced  that  he  had  long  recognized  the  need 
of  land  reforms  and  that  steps  would  be  taken  to  divide  the 
great  estates  when  fighting  stopped.  It  is  a  pity  that,  as  he  had 
long  recognized  the  need,  he  did  not  move  sooner.  He  might 
have  given  the  people  a  grand  thing  to  celebrate  in  September, 
1910. 

THE  FALL 

While  I  was  there,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  removal 
from  office  of  Governors  Terrazas  of  Chihuahua,  Aristegui  of 
Yucatan,  and  Martinez  of  Puebla.  These  men  were  no  worse 
then  than  they  had  been  for  years  before.  The  old  president 
had  learned  of  no  new  faults  in  them.  Knowing  their  badness, 
he  had  held  them  in  power  against  the  urgent  demand  of  those 
they  governed.  During  my  homeward  journey,  the  cabinet — 
that  cabinet  of  bad  ministers, — resigned — to  the  public  joy. 
Corral  petitioned  congress  for  long  leave  of  absence ;  a  com- 
mittee in  the  House  of  Deputies  made  a  report,  advising  no 
reelection  of  president,  vice-president,  or  governors.  Had 
President  Diaz  taken  the  lead  in  those  reforms  a  year  sooner, 
what  glory  might  be  his!  but  he  delayed  and  lost  the  chance 
of  permanent  reputation.  The  revolution  triumphed ;  the  house 
of  cards  fell  in  total  ruin. 


296 


THE  HOUSE  OF  CARDS 


iTruenalo.  manito! 

EXPLODING  JUDAS:  IN  HOLY  WEEK  FIGURES  OF  JUDAS  ARE  BURNED. 
HERE  THE  PLAN  OF  SAN  LUIS  POTOSI  IS  THE  JUDAS.  GUSTAVO 
MADERO  ADVISES  HIS  LITTLE  BROTHER  TO  EXPLODE  IT. 


FEDERAL  SOLDIERS,  IN  STEEL  CARS. 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA 

DE    LA    BARRA  JS    ATTITUDE A    MONGREL    CABINET PROBLEMS    PRESS- 
ING  THE      DISARMING      OF      REVOLUTIONISTS BANDITRY LOCAL 

OUTBREAKS DEMANDS     OF     FOREIGN     GOVERNMENTS BREAK     BE- 
TWEEN   MADERO    AND    VASQUEZ    GOMEZ SOCIALIST    REPUBLIC    IN 

LOWER     CALIFORNIA LABOR     TROUBLES TROUBLE     IN     PUEBLA 

ZAPATISM THE    FALL    ELECTIONS REYES    AND    HIS    CAMPAIGN 

RESULTS   OF  THE  ELECTION ATTITUDE   OF  THE  ARMY. 

ACCORDING    to    the    terms    of    the    treaty    of    Ciudad 
Juarez,    arranged   between   the   Madero   revolutionaries 
and  the  official  representatives  of  the  Diaz  government, 
it  was  understood  that  de  la  Barra  should  occupy  the  position 
of  provisional  president  from  the  time  when  Porfirio  Diaz 
should  leave  office  until  a  new  election  should  take  place.    De  la 
Barra  was  not  an  active  leader  in  politics ;  he  was  a  good  diplo- 
mat.   He  had  been  Ambassador  of  Mexico  to  the  United  States 

297 


298  INTERIM  GOVERNMENT :  DE  LA  BARRA 

and  was  well  and  favorably  known  in  Washington;  at  the 
moment  of  the  success  of  the  Madero  revolution,  he  was  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs  in  Diaz'  cabinet.  On  account  of  his 
having  been  in  Washington,  he  knew  more  than  almost  any 
other  man  of  the  attitude  of  the  United  States  to  Mexican 
affairs,  and  had  been  in  touch  with  the  representative  of  the 
Madero  movement,  Emilio  Vasquez  Gomez,  who  had  headquar- 
ters in  our  capital  city.  It  is  doubtful  whether  a  better  man 
could  have  been  selected  to  take  charge  of  things  in  Mexico. 

DE  LA  BARRA  *S  ATTITUDE 

He  took  the  oath  of  office  on  May  26,  a  day  after  the  resig- 
nation of  Diaz  was  accepted  by  the  National  Congress.  In  tak- 
ing office  he  said,  among  other  things,  the  following:  "Stranger 
to  all  political  ambition  and  only  anxious  for  the  welfare  of  my 
country,  I  shall  be,  in  the  post  which,  for  a  time,  I  occupy,  a 
jealous  defender  of  the  laws,  especially  of  the  electoral  laws, 
in  order  that  the  will  of  the  nation  may  freely  manifest  itself 
in  the  approaching  election,  to  change  the  federal  and  local 
powers. 

"The  happiest  day  in  my  public  life  will  be  the  one  on 
which,  within  the  shortest  time,  which  the  electoral  law  and 
the  situation  through  which  the  country  is  now  passing  permit, 
I  shall  transmit  the  power  which  I  have  received  today  to  that 
citizen  whom  the  republic  may  elect.  I  shall  then  return  to 
private  life  with  the  tranquillity  which  duty  performed  yields, 
and  with  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  my  country  again  exploiting 
its  riches  through  the  effort  of  labor,  under  the  protection  of 


peace." 


A  MONGREL  CABINET 


By  the  agreement  entered  into  at  Ciudad  Juarez,  the  cabi- 
net of  the  president  was  to  contain  some  members  who  should 
directly  represent  the  revolutionary  movement  and  protect  its 
interests.  Accordingly,  in  his  cabinet,  which  was  promptly 
organized,  Ernesto  Madero,  uncle  of  the  leader  of  the  revolu- 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT :  DE  LA  BARRA  299 

tion,  was  made  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  Francisco  Vasquez 
Gomez,  Minister  of  Public  Instruction;  and  Emilio  Vasquez 
Gomez,  Minister  of  Gobernacion.  In  addition  to  this  repre- 
sentation in  the  cabinet,  the  appointment  of  Governors  in  the 
states  of  Coahulila  and  Chihuahua — the  states  where  the  chief 
battles  of  the  revolution  had  been  fought,  and  where  its  inter- 
ests had  centered — were  given  to  friends  of  the  leader.  The 
Governor  of  Coahuila  was  Venustiano  Carranza,  the  Governor 
of  Chihuahua  was  Abraham  Gonzales,  both  of  whom  had  been 
participants  in  the  revolution.  It  was  also  understood  that,  in 
all  important  matters,  the  government  was  to  consult  with 
Francisco  I.  Madero,  whose  advice  should  be  given  due  weight. 

PKOBLEMS  PKESSING 

Many  and  serious  problems  faced  the  new  government,  and 
any  man  who  could  deal  with  them  fairly  successfully  would 
demonstrate  his  ability  as  ruler.  Among  the  pressing  prob- 
lems were  the  disarmament  of  the  revolutionary  forces,  the 
suppression  of  banditry,  the  demands  from  foreign  govern- 
ments on  account  of  the  killing  of  their  nationals,  the  reimburse- 
ment of  financial  aid  privately  given  to  the  revolution,  the 
indemnification  of  losses  of  Mexican  nationals  suffered  through 
the  revolution,  and  the  aid  of  states  to  regain  calm  and  stability. 

THE    DISAKMING    OF    BEVOLUTIONARIES 

Naturally  the  most  urgent  matter  was  to  disarm  the  forces 
of  the  revolution.  In  the  best  of  governments,  strongly  en- 
trenched and  in  full  control,  it  is  a  serious  matter  to  deal  with 
an  army  after  a  victorious  war.  There  is  always  danger  under 
such  conditions.  In  the  case  of  Mexico,  in  1911,  the  matter  was 
particularly  delicate.  Many  of  the  forces  of  the  revolution 
were  undisciplined,  discontented,  ignorant  men ;  they  had  taken 
part  in  the  uprising,  and  many  of  them  had  joined  because  they 
wished  to  give  rein  to  their  vicious  tendencies,  and  to  enjoy 
the  pleasures  of  looting  and  destruction.  There  were  many 
who  had  been  liberated  from  jail,  and  who  had  been  serving 


300  INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA 


Copyrighted  by  Harris  and  Ewing 

FRANCISCO  L.  DE  LA  BARRA. 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA  301 

terms  justly  inflicted  for  actual  crimes.  There  were  many  who 
expected,  immediately  upon  the  achievement  of  victory,  to 
receive  lands  for  their  own  use  and  to  see  the  great  estates  of 
the  past  divided. 

The  plan  of  disarmament  adopted  was  to  invite  the  soldiers 
to  appear  at  stated  centers  and  give  up  their  arms  to  repre- 
sentatives of  the  government  in  exchange  for  sums  of  money 
which  should  depend  upon  the  length  of  time  which  they  had 
served  and  the  reputation  they  had  gained  in  service.  The 
sums  ranged  from  twenty-five  to  forty  pesos  for  each  person. 
It  was  understood  that  not  all  the  revolutionary  soldiers  would 
be  retired  to  private  life — that  was  largely  a  matter  for  them 
as  individuals  to  determine — but  that  some  would  remain  as 
rurales  in  the  service  of  the  government  with  the  intention  of 
being  used  in  combatting  banditry.  The  new  government 
promptly  set  aside  8,000,000  pesos  from  the  treasury  reserve 
for  the  purpose  of  this  disarmament.  It  was  soon  found 
that  serious  problems  arose.  Many  of  the  worst  class  of  the 
revolutionary  soldiers,  released  from  prison  and  supplied  with 
arms,  saw  nothing  attractive  in  the  idea  of  returning  to  calm 
and  peaceful  honest  lives.  They  preferred  to  become  bandits 
and  continue  a  career  of  plunder  and  destruction.  Many  who 
had  been  prisoners  feared  that,  if  they  appeared  with  arms  to 
receive  their  payments,  their  old  crimes  would  be  remembered, 
and  they  would  again  be  thrown  into  jail.  Many  honest  patriots 
willingly  came  in,  surrendered  arms,  and  received  their  pay- 
ments; many  others,  less  patriotic,  failed  to  do  so.  It  was 
realized  that,  all  over  the  republic,  banditry  was  on  the 
increase,  and  that  thousands  of  desperate  individuals  were 
at  large. 

BANDITKY 

Not  only  were  such  individuals  a  menace ;  there  were  whole 
bands  of  forces  who  had  taken  part  in  the  revolution  who  re- 
fused to  give  up  arms  and  preferred  to  remain  as  organized 


302  INTERIM  GOVERNMENT :  DE  LA  BARRA 

bodies  in  open  banditry.     The  most  notable  of  these  bands  of 
recalcitrants  was  headed  by  Emiliano  Zapata,  in  Morelos. 

LOCAL   OUTBREAKS 

With  the  iron  hand  of  the  old  regime  lifted,  and  with  so 
many  difficulties  facing  the  interim  government,  there  were  new 
outbreaks  of  trouble  in  many  parts  of  the  republic.  Most  of 
these  stood  in  no  actual  relation  to  the  past  revolution;  they 
were  local  troubles  with  the  local  leaders  and  frequently  repre- 
senting long-standing  feuds.  Thus,  in  Sinaloa,  there  were  out- 
breaks. The  Yaqui  Indians  threatened  trouble.  In  Chiapas 
the  so-called  war  of  castes  broke  out,  with  all  the  horrors  of  a 
trouble  of  its  kind.  These  are  but  a  few,  though  perhaps  the 
most  significant,  of  such  local  outbreaks,  which  had  largely  to 
be  overlooked  by  the  temporary  government  in  Mexico. 

DEMANDS  OF  FOREIGN  GOVERNMENTS 

Serious  demands  were  being  pressed  by  three  foreign  gov- 
ernments on  account  of  the  murder  of  nationals.  At  Torreon, 
when  the  Madero  forces  seized  the  city,  two  hundred  or  more 
Chinese  were  massacred.  Naturally  the  Chinese  government 
made  strong  representations  to  the  new  government  in  the 
matter.  In  the  state  of  Puebla,  there  was  a  cotton  factory  with 
the  name  of  La  Covadonga.  Many  of  its  employes  were  Span- 
iards. There  has  always  been  a  hostile  feeling  on  the  part  of 
the  poorer  and  less  reputable  of  Mexicans  against  people  of 
Spanish  blood.  A  band  of  bandits,  belonging  to  Zapata 's 
group,  attacked  this  factory,  and  as  the  Spanish  employees 
attempted  to  defend  it  against  attack,  a  battle  took  place  in 
which  a  number  of  Spaniards  were  killed;  the  Zapatists  en- 
tered the  factory  and  looted  it  completely.  They  killed  a  num- 
ber of  the  workers  and  frightfully  mutilated  them.  Inflamed 
by  the  savagery  already  practiced,  they  went  from  the  factory 
to  some  houses  near  by,  where  German  families  lived,  the  men 
of  which  were  in  the  employ  of  the  Covadonga  Company.  These 
Germans  had  in  no  way  opposed  the  attack  of  the  bandits,  nor 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA  303 

engaged  in  defending  the  factory;  notwithstanding  this,  the 
bandits  entered  the  houses,  ravished  the  women  and  killed  all, 
both  men  and  women.  These  outrages  by  Zapata  's  bandits  had 
aroused  the  governments  of  Germany  and  Spain,  who  were 
pressing  the  interim  government  for  settlement. 

BKEAK  BETWEEN  MADERO  AND  VASQUEZ  GOMEZ 

The  Madero  revolution  was  fought  in  support  of  the  Plan 
of  San  Luis  Potosi.  When  peace  was  finally  arranged,  there 
were  many  things  in  the  treaty  which  were  not  in  harmony 
with  the  details  of  the  plan.  Thus,  the  plan  had  promised  an 
immediate  change  of  all  employees,  everyone  connected  with 
the  Diaz  government  being  hurled  from  office;  it  was  impos- 
sible, however,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  agreement 
made  at  Juarez,  to  carry  out  this  promise.  The  Plan  of  San 
Luis  Potosi  had  pledged  that  a  legal  judgment  should  be  secured 
regarding  the  acts  of  the  past  administration,  and  that  the 
officials  of  Diaz  would  be  held  to  strict  responsibility  for  mal- 
administration; the  terms  of  peace  arranged  provided  for  no 
such  judgment.  The  plan  promised  that  the  great  landed  prop- 
erties of  Mexico  would  be  divided  into  parcels,  and  that  little 
properties  would  be  assigned  to  individuals ;  it  was  recognized 
now  that  such  a  thing  was  quite  impossible. 

Naturally,  the  failure  to  keep  the  promises  made  in  the 
plan  upon  which  the  revolution  was  based  led  to  wide  criticism 
and  dissatisfaction.  There  were  many  of  the  prominent  aids 
of  Madero  who  were  offended.  Among  these  was  Emilio  Vas- 
quez  Gomez.  He  had  been,  according  to  many,  "the  brains  of 
the  Madero  revolution."  He  was  now  the  minister  of  the  most 
important  department  in  de  la  Barra  's  government.  He  was 
totally  opposed  to  the  present  state  of  affairs.  He  insisted  on 
the  literal  fulfillment  of  the  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi.  He  was 
in  favor,  if  need  be,  of  renewing  the  revolution  in  order  that 
the  literal  promises  might  be  fulfilled.  Between  him  and 
Madero  there  grew  up  strong  hostility. 


304 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA  305 

SOCIALIST   KEPUBLIC    IN   LOWER    CALIFORNIA 

A  serious  difficulty  arose  in  Lower  California.  Two 
brothers,  Flores  Magon,  had  long  been  agitating  against  con- 
ditions in  Mexico.  They  had  criticized  the  old  Diaz  regime. 
Refugees  in  the  United  States,  they  had  made  Los  Angeles 
headquarters,  and  had  conducted  a  paper  named  Regeneration. 
Through  it  they  had-,  aroused  considerable  hostility  toward  the 
great  dictator.  They  had  been  implicated  in  the  movement  of 
1806  against  the  Diaz  power.  At  times  they  had  been  perse- 
cuted by  our  Government  in  accordance  with  the  suggestions  of 
the  Diaz  administration.  At  one  time  the  editor  of  Regeneration 
had  been  imprisoned,  and  an  agitation  in  his  behalf  was 
waged  by  some  Americans,  and  on  account  of  petitions  in  his 
favor  he  was  released.  During  the  revolution,  the  Flores 
Magon  had  been  somewhat  active.  Now  that  the  revolution 
was  past,  it  was  discovered  that  they  were  interested  in  a  plan 
to  set  up  a  socialistic  republic  in  Lower  California.  The  penin- 
sula of  Lower  California  is,  and  will  be,  a  considerable  prob- 
lem for  Mexico.  It  is  a  part  of  the  national  territory,  but  it  is 
separated  by  water  from  the  rest  of  the  republic  and  is  con- 
nected with  only  an  artificial  boundary  line  with  the  United 
States.  It  is  a  desert — rock,  stone,  sagebrush  and  cactus.  It 
has  a  scant  population  and  only  one  or  two  settlements  of  any 
consequence.  In  the  Mexican  Eepublic  it  forms,  not  a  state, 
but  a  territory,  with  its  capital  at  the  little  city  of  La  Paz. 
There  is  no  question  that  the  peninsula  has  wealth  and  that  it 
may  some  time  develop  into  importance.  More  than  once  it  has 
been  seriously  suggested  that  we  should  in  some  way  acquire  it, 
if  not  by  purchase,  by  filibuster.  The  establishment  of  a 
socialistic  republic  under  dissatisfied  Mexicans  in  Lower  Cali- 
fornia was  a  far  more  serious  threat  to  the  integrity  of  national- 
territory  'than  might  at  first  have  appeared. 

The  Flores  Magon  socialism  was  pronounced  doctrine.  The 
existence  of  social  classes  was  immoral.  Wealth  should  be 
equally  divided;  the  necessities  of  life  should  be  within  the 


306  INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA 

reach  of  all,  and  equally;  there  should  be  no  masters,  no 
employees.  In  this  time  of  public  distraction,  the  moment 
seemed  favorable  for  the  setting  up  of  the  new  experiment.  An 
invasion  of  the  peninsula  was  made,  and  the  settlers  already 
there  were  driven  from  their  homes,  and  ruin  and  destruction 
were  unchecked.  The  forces  at  the  disposition  of  the  Flores 
Magon  were  undisciplined,  and  among  them  were  many  for- 
eigners, largely  Americans.  Eecognizing  the  seriousness  of  the 
situation,  de  la  Barra  sent  federal  forces  into  the  peninsula, 
and  on  June  22nd,  at  Tijuana,  near  the  line  of  the  United  States, 
an  actual  battle  took  place  in  which  the  spldiers  were  led  by  an 
American  named  Mosby.  It  was  really  a  battle,  and  a  number 
of  dead  and  wounded  were  left  upon  the  field.  The  federal 
forces  gained  the  day,  and  the  refugees  fled  to  the  United 
States,  where  they  were  held  by  the  American  troops.  Before 
the  battle,  the  socialistic  republic  had  appealed  to  the  United 
States  to  have  a  protectorate  established  by  our  country. 

LABOR   TROUBLES 

The  administration  of  de  la  Barra  was  marked  by  a  verit- 
able epidemic  of  labor  strikes.  It  began  with  a  serious  strike 
by  the  employees  of  the  electric  company  of  the  capital  city. 
This  is  an  enterprise  under  foreign  management,  employing 
hundreds  of  men  in  electric  railways  and  lighting  plants.  The 
employees  struck  for  shorter  hours  and  higher  pay ;  their  cause 
was  just,  and  popular  sympathy  was  strongly  with  them;  the 
strike  continued  through  several  days  and,  before  it  ended,  the 
mob,  not  the  workmen,  became  violent ;  attacks  were  made  upon 
the  electric  cars,  stones  were  thrown,  damage  done;  finally  the 
police  were  obliged  to  take  vigorous  action,  and  the  crowd  was 
fired  on.  Some  eighteen  or  twenty  persons  were  wounded,  some 
were  killed.  This  strike  was  followed  by  many  others — paper- 
makers,  bakers,  seamstresses,  matchmakers,  one  after  another 
went  on  a  strike.  All  of  them  made  demonstrations;  day  by 
day  the  streets  were  occupied  by  processions;  the  workers  de- 
manded work,  better  pay,  shorter  hours ;  there  was  an  army  of 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT :  DE  LA  BARRA  307 

unemployed.  The  government,  to  prevent  acts  of  lawlessness, 
decided  to  undertake  public  works  in  order  that  all  who  wanted 
employment  might  find  an  opportunity.  Thousands  of  people 
were  thus  employed,  and  the  serious  situation  relieved. 

TKOUBLE  IN  PUEBLA 

It  was  natural  to  expect  that  those  who  had  been  in  power 
would  be  loath  to  relinquish  it.  In  many  states,  cities,  and 
municipalities  the  old  leaders  tried  to  maintain  themselves  in 
positions  of  importance  under  the  new  regime.  This  was  cer- 
tain to  lead  to  many  and  serious  difficulties.  In  places  where 
the  revolution  had  been  hailed  as  likely  to  bring  about  a  release 
from  petty  tyranny,  it  was  hard  to  see  the  old  conditions  per- 
petuated. It  was  true  also  that,  in  many  places,  strong  feeling 
had  arisen  between  the  federal  forces  and  the  soldiers  of  the 
revolution.  It  was  to  be  expected  that,  at  times,  quarrels  would 
arise  between  these  forces.  Such  difficulties  actually  took  place 
in  many  places.  The  most  serious  of  them  were  those  at  Jalapa, 
Guadalajara,  and  Puebla.  The  latter  is  of  special  interest.  In 
July  there  were  considerable  numbers  of  revolutionary  soldiers 
in  that  city;  at  night,  on  the  twelfth  of  that  month,  a  carriage 
containing  several  persons,  drove  past  the  quarters  in  which 
these  soldiers  were  lodged,  and  as  it  passed,  several  shots  were 
discharged  at  the  building.  The  Maderists,  thinking  that  these 
shots  had  been  fired  at  them  by  federal  soldiers,  got  up, 
swarmed  upon  the  roofs  of  the  quarters,  and  rushed  out  into 
the  streets,  firing  at  their  supposed  attackers.  The  soldiers  of 
the  federal  force  repelled  the  attack,  and  then  in  turn  assaulted 
the  building  which  served  the  Maderists  as  headquarters,  and 
a  frightful  butchery  took  place  which  continued  for  many  hours 
and  which  finally  forced  the  revolutionary  soldiers,  who  had 
scant  means  of  defense,  to  leave  the  city  an*l  take  refuge  on  the 
;hill  of  San  Juan.  As  soon  as  de  la  Barra  was  informed  of  the 
^occurrence,  he  issued  orders  to  the  federal  forces  that  they 
should  not  pursue  the  revolutionary  soldiers,  nor  fire  upon 
them  unless  they  themselves  were  again  attacked.  At  the  same 


308  INTERIM  GOVERNMENT :  DE  LA  BARRA 

time  he  did  everything  in  his  power  to  calm  the  excitement  of t 
the  Maderist  soldiers.  Francisco  I.  Madero  himself,  it  is  said, 
hurried  to  the  scene  to  quiet  conditions.  It  is  believed  that  the 
original  shots  fired  at  the  cuartel,  in  which  the  Maderists  were 
lodged,  were  fired  by  the  sons  of  the  ex-governor,  Mucio  P. 
Martinez. 

ZAPATISM 

Throughout  the  period  of  the  interim  government  serious 
acts  of  banditry  were  being  practiced  under  the  leadership  of 
Emiliano  Zapata.  Eepeated  efforts  were  made  to  disarm  his 
forces,  but  without  result.  The  whole  matter  of  Zapatism, 
however,  is  too  important  to  be  treated  as  subordinate,  and  will 
be  taken  up  in  another  chapter. 

THE   FALL   ELECTIONS 

As  the  time  of  the  election  neared,  intense  interest  arose. 
There  had  been  serious  difficulty  within  the  anti-reelection 
ranks.  Francisco  I.  Madero  had  organized  a  new  party  under 
the  title  of  Partido  Constitutional  Progresista.  His  former 
friend  and  adviser,  Emilio  Vasquez  Gomez,  headed  the  liberal 
anti-reelectionists  who  adhered  literally  to  the  Plan  of  San  Luis 
Potosi.  Very  quietly,  so  much  so  that  it  may  almost  be  said 
secretly,  there  had  grown  up  also  a  new  party  under  the  name 
of  Partido  Catolico  National.  It  was  the  re-entering  of  the 
Church  into  active  politics.  While  composed  of  a  conservative 
element,  and  numbering  many  excellent  adherents,  the  appear- 
ance of  this  party,  based  on  religious  lines,  contains  a  threat 
of  serious  danger  for  the  future  of  the  Republic.  There  were 
other  lesser  parties,  but  these  three  were  those  that  figured 
conspicuously. 

Of  course  Francisco  I.  Madero  was  the  chief  presidential 
candidate.  E.  Vasquez  Gomez  was  running  independently,  being 
supported  by  the  liberal  anti-reelection  element.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  pledges  he  gave  on  his  return  to  Mexico,  Gen.  Bernardo 
Reyes  had  entered  the  political  arena  and  announced  himself  as 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT :  DE  LA  BARRA  309 

candidate  for  the  high  office.  It  was,  however,  fully  realized 
that  the  only  serious  candidate  for  president  was  Madero.  It 
was  far  different  with  the  office  of  vice-president.  Here  there 
was  a  real  question.  The  original  plan  of  the  successful  revolu- 
tion was  to  place  before  the  public  a  ticket  on  which  Madero 
should  be  candidate  for  president  and  Francisco  Vasquez 
Gomez  for  vice-president.  The  difficulties  which,  had  arisen, 
however,  between  Madero  and  the  brother  of  his  running  mate, 
led  to  the  desire  on  the  part  of  the  revolutionary  hero  to  have 
another  candidate  associated  with  him.  Through  his  influence, 
Jose  Maria  Pino  Suarez  was  the  candidate  recommended  by 
the  constitutional  progressive  party.  Two  other  candidates 
were  in  the  field — F.  Iglesias  Calderon  and  Alfredo  Eobles 
Dominguez.  The  Catholic  national  party  also  was  firmly  backing 
de  la  Barra  as  candidate  for  vice-president.  He  repeatedly 
refused  to  accept  the  nomination,  but  they  persisted  in  their 
efforts.  Before  election  time,  Iglesias  Calderon  and  Robles 
Dominguez  had  dropped  out,  leaving  the  contest  to  be  fought 
between  Francisco  Vasquez  Gomez  and  Pino  Suarez. 

KEYES  AND  HIS  CAMPAIGN 

General  Eeyes  had  been  conducting  his  campaign  with  some 
activity.  On  September  3rd,  a  manifestation  had  been  organ- 
ized by  his  partisans  in  honor  of  his  candidacy.  As  the  proces- 
sion was  passing  through  the  streets,  the  crowd  showed  signs 
of  anger.  When  General  Eeyes  himself  appeared  to  address 
his  people,  the  popular  fury  broke  loose,  and  an  attack  was 
made  which  forced  the  candidate  to  seek  refuge  in  a  neighboring 
house.  Appearing  upon  a  balcony,  he  attempted  to  address  the 
3rowd  for  the  purpose  of  calming  it,  but  had  scarcely  begun  his 
speech,  when  cries  of  disapproval  drowned  his  voice  and  stones 
v^ere  thrown.  The  police  were  obliged  to  interfere  in  the  dis- 
turbance. As  soon  as  President  de  la  Barra  heard  of  the  occur- 
-ence,  he  expressed  to  General  Eeyes  his  regret  at  what  had 
lappened,  and  stated  his  desire  to  fully  protect  him  in  all  his 
;hts,  even  to  the  extent  of  calling  out  the  public  force  if 


pgnts, 


310  INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA 

necessary.  A  few  days  before  the  primary  election,  General 
Beyes  and  Vasquez  Gomez  demanded  that  the  election  should 
be  postponed  until  a  later  date.  Madero,  who  was  at  the  mo- 
ment in  Yucatan,  telegraphed  to  congress,  urging  that  no  post- 
ponement be  permitted.  He  claimed,  and  undoubtedly  with  jus- 
tice, that  nothing  could  be  gained  by  prolonging  the  period  of 
uncertainty,  and  that,  the  sooner  a  legally  conducted  election 
took  place,  the  better  for  the  country  and  for  the  bringing  about 
of  permanent  peace. 

About  this  time,  General  Eeyes  left  the  country,  and  from 
Vera  Cruz  sent  telegrams  to  the  leaders  of  his  party  and  to 
President  de  la  Barra.  In  that  to  the  latter,  he  stated  that  he 
was  leaving  in  order  to  avoid  the  vexations  and  bitter  discus- 
sions being  forced  upon  him  by  the  Maderists,  since  the  gov- 
ernment had  not  known,  or  cared  to  give  sufficient  guarantees 
either  to  himself  or  to  his  partisans.  To  this  querulous  com- 
plaint, de  la  Barra  made  a  dignified  response,  sending  his  tele- 
gram to  General  Eeyes  at  Havana,  Cuba.  In  it  he  stated  that 
he  was  certain  that  the  government  conduct  had  not  influenced 
him  to  the  action  he  had  taken,  since  it  had  furnished  him  all 
proper  guarantees ;  that  proper  investigation  had  been  made  to 
discover  the  persons  guilty  of  the  manifestations  made  against 
him;  that  steps  had  been  taken  for  his  protection;  that  inter- 
vention had  been  personally  made  by  himself  to  prevent  diffi- 
culties of  all  kinds.  It  was  quite  generally  suspected,  as  proved 
to  be  the  case,  that  General  Reyes  was  plotting  a  new  revolution, 
and  that  he  absented  himself  from  the  country  in  order  to  make 
preparations  for  it. 

RESULTS  OF  THE  ELECTION 

The  election  set  for  October  first,  took  place  as  planned.  It 
passed  off  with  little  or  no  disturbance.  One  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  votes  were  cast  in  the  City  of  Mexico — something 
which  never  before  had  happened.  On  the  whole,  it  was  un- 
doubtedly the  nearest  approach  to  what  could  be  called  a  fair 
election  that  Mexico  had  ever  seen.  It  was  not  a  direct  vote 


INTERIM  GOVERNMENT:  DE  LA  BARRA  311 

for  the  candidates,  but  for  electors.    When,  later  on,  the  electors 
on  November  2nd,  cast  their  ballots,  the  results  were  as  follows : 

Francisco  I.  Madero  19,997 

Francisco  L.  de  la  Barra  87 

Emilio  Vasquez  Gomez   16 

Scattering?    45 

As  will  be  seen,  more  than  ninety-nine  per  cent  of  the  total 
votes  case  were  for  President  Madero. 

The  vote  for  vice-president  was  as  follows : 

Jose  Maria  Pino  Suarez  10,245 

Francisco  L.  de  la  Barra 5,564 

Francisco  Vasquez  Gomez   3,373 

F.  Iglesias   Calderon 173 

Scattering 51 

It  will  be  seen  that  Pino  Suarez  received  a  little  more  than 
the  total  of  all  the  votes  cast  for  other  candidates. 

ATTITUDE  OF  THE  AKMY 

It  will  be  appreciated  that  there  was  a  certain  danger  from 
the  army  after  the  Madero  revolution.  It  had  been  defeated  in 
the  field ;  its  sympathies  had  been  entirely  with  the  old  regime ; 
it  would  look  naturally  with  suspicion  and  dislike  upon  the 
victorious  leader.  During  the  interim  presidency,  de  la  Barra 
was  careful  to  conciliate  it  and  its  leaders.  Several  times  on 
public  occasions  he  had  taken  pains  to  compliment  and  praise  it. 
On  one  occasion,  when  the  generals  and  other  officers  of  the 
army  gave  a  banquet,  in  his  honor,  in  the  speech  he  made  them, 
he  said:  " Gentlemen:  With  the  profoundest  emotion  and  with 
the  sincerest  expression  of  my  thanks,  for  the  high  honor  which 
I  have  received,  I  ask  you  to  raise  your  cups  for  our  father- 
land, each  day  more  loved,  and  for  the  army,  each  day  more 
worthy  of  our  respect,  of  our  affection,  of  our  admiration;  for 
the  national  army,  which  ever  waits  with  splendid  serenity,  the 
moment  of  test,  which  is  for  it  the  moment  of  glory,  as  the 


312  INTERIM  GOVERNlVtENT :  DE  LA  BARRA 

mould  waits  for  the  melted  bronze,  which  immortalizes,  trans- 
mitting to  future  generations,  the  grand,  the  beautiful,  and  the 
good."  On  a  later  occasion,  when  he  was  leaving  his  position 
as  president  interim,  he  spoke  to  the  army  as  follows :  "I  shall 
carry  with  me,"  he  said  to  them,  "many  sorrows,  many  bitter 
memories,  and  disappointments;  but  I  shall  also  carry  a  deep 
satisfaction,  and  that  is  that  the  loyal,  honorable,  and  valiant 
army  is  the  strongest  guarantee  for  governments  legally  con- 
stituted. The  absolute  confidence  which  the  executive  reposed 
in  the  army,  was  responded  to  by  it  with  the  completest  and 
most  honorable  loyalty."  It  was  surely  wise  for  the  president 
interim  to  adopt  this  kindly,  appreciative,  and  conciliatory  atti- 
tude to  the  military  forces  of  the  government.  It  must,  how- 
ever, be  remembered  that  there  were  actually  no  causes  of  ill 
feeling  between  the  army  and  de  la  Barra.  He  had  not  been 
connected  with  the  revolution;  he  represented  the  old  regime; 
he  in  himself  aroused  a  sentiment  of  sympathy  as  the  last  sur- 
viving representative  of  the  conditions  that  had  ended. 

De  la  Barra  was  in  power  from  May  26th  to  November  7th, 
a  period  of  about  five  months  and  a  half.  When  he  came  to 
power  it  is  claimed  that  there  was  a  reserve  of  60,400,000  pesos 
in  the  national  treasury;  when  he  left  office,  this  reserve  had 
diminished  to  48,000,000  pesos.  This  was  to  be  expected.  The 
country  was  passing  through  a  difficult  and  trying  period  of 
readjustment.  Many  claims  demanded  settlement.  Many  diffi- 
culties, calling  for  large  expenditures  presented  themselves. 

On  the  whole,  de  la  Barra 's  administration  was  a  remark- 
able achievement.  It  was  a  difficult  position  which  he  had  to 
fill.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  have  a  definite  policy  to  be 
developed;  the  period  of  time  within  which  he  had  to  operate 
was  brief.  In  the  nature  of  things,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
deal  with  things  with  a  free  hand.  Every  act  of  importance  was 
subject  to  advice,  revision,  interference  by  Madero,  and  un- 
questionably there  were  many  occasions  when  the  forbearance 
of  both  men  was  seriously  tested.  That  he  left  office  with  gen- 
eral respect  was  greatly  to  his  credit. 


MAYOR  OF  JUAREZ,  READING  MADERO'S  DECLARATION,  FEBRUARY,  1912. 


FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

UNDER    THE     NEW    REGIME A    CHANCE     FOR    OPTIMISM THE     COM- 
PLAINTS     AGAINST       MADERO COUNTER-REVOLUTION OROZCO 

REYES VASQUEZ  GOMEZ FELIX  DIAZ ZAP  ATA THE  PRESIDENT^ 

CONFIDENCE. 

PERSONAL  business  took  me  to  the  City  of  Mexico  in 
December,  1912.    At  that  time  Francisco  I.  Madero  had 
been  in  power  something  over  a  year.     It  was  possible 
to  judge  both  his  honesty  and  his  ability  as  the  chief  official  of 
the  country.    He  was  much  in  evidence.    He  appeared  in  public 
on  every  possible  occasion.    The  first  time  that  I  saw  him,  he 
opened  a  congress  of  scientific  workers  brought  together  from 
all  parts  of  the  Republic.     His  address  on  that  occasion  was 
commonplace.    A  small  man,  with  nothing  of  the  presence  or 
dignity  which  marked  Porfirio  Diaz,  dressed  in  a  common  busi- 

313 


314  FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

ness  suit,  with  a  harsh  and  unpleasant  voice  and  a  quick  nervous 
manner,  the  impression  he  produced  was  not  entirely  agree- 
able. One  could  feel  that  he  was  a  man  in  earnest,  that  he 
meant  well,  that  he  desired  to  do  his  duty — but  one  also  felt 
that  he  was  consciously  and  intentionally  posing.  Rarely  does 
a  man  give  so  much  the  impression  that  he  is  thinking  that  he 
is  the  cynosure  of  all  eyes,  the  center  around  which  all  revolves. 

UNDER  THE  REGIME 

Conditions  in  the  city  were  certainly  unlike  anything  before 
seen  in  a  generation.  The  streets  were  everywhere  torn  up; 
there  was  the  appearance  of  improvements  begun;  nowhere 
was  there  evidence  of  improvements  carried  through  to  the 
end.  Nothing  seemed  settled;  the  impression  given  was  that 
more  was  undertaken  than  could  possibly  be  completed.  Dis- 
order prevailed. 

Every  day  during  my  stay  I  bought  and  read  nine  daily 
papers.  Only  two  of  them  were  favorable  to  the  government. 
The  rest  were  hostile  in  various  degrees,  and  the'  frankness  and 
virulence  of  their  hostility  was  unprecedented  in  Mexico.  Dur- 
ing the  twenty  years  almost  in  which  I  had  been  visiting  the 
country  I  had  seen  nothing  like  it.  The  President  was  men- 
tioned in  abusive  terms;  he  was  accused  of  every  undesirable 
quality;  his  acts  were  criticised  with  bitterness;  what  he  did 
was  wrong;  his  sins  of  non-commission  were  even  worse.  The 
opposition  press  was  almost  unanimous,  in  its  insistent  demand 
that  he  withdraw  from  office ;  this  demand  was  reiterated  from 
day  to  day;  some  journals,  indeed,  presented  an  alternative  and 
demanded  that,  if  he  did  not  himself  resign,  he  should  force 
withdrawal  from  office  upon  his  brother,  Gustavo  Madero,  and 
the  Vice-President,  Pino  Suarez. 

The  meetings  of  Congress  were  lively.  Never  before,  per- 
haps, in  the  history  of  the  Eepublic  had  they  been  the  scene  of 
such  disorder.  Members  spoke  out  freely.  They  had  ideas  and 
voiced  them.  Naturally  there  were  two  groups  in  Congress — 
those  who  upheld  the  government,  and  those  who  assailed  it. 


FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO  315 

But  within  both  groups  there  was  division,  and  every  man  was 
ready  to  set  forth  his  own  ideas.  Members  called  each  other 
names,  indulged  in  personalities,  came  to  personal  contests. 
The  galleries  had  to  be  cleared  and  threats  were  made  of  closure. 
The  opposition  was  outspoken  in  its  criticism,  Madero  was 
accused  of  breaking  all  his  promises,  of  indulging  in  flagrant 
nepotism,  of  stealing  from  the  Nation,  of  driving  the  Eepublic 
into  bankruptcy,  of  plotting  and  preparing  for  a  new,  con- 
tinued, dictatorship. 

A  CHANCE  FOR   OPTIMISM 

Many  of  my  friends,  residents  of  Mexico  for  years,  shook 
their  heads  doubtfully  and  longed  for  the  old  days  of  Porfirio 
Diaz.  For  my  part,  conditions  seemed  to  me  encouraging.  The 
opposition  press  was  virulent,  unjust,  brutal ;  but  an  opposition 
press  is  necessary  in  any  democracy.  No  doubt  it  went  to  an 
extreme,  and,  as  unbridled,  became  a  danger.  Perhaps  a  curb 
was  necessary,  and  a  new  law  was  pending  at  the  time  regard- 
ing the  liberty  of  the  press,  a  law,  by  the  way,  which  was  not 
without  bad  features.  Such  a  condition  as  then  existed  would 
have  been  impossible  at  any  time  during  the  dictatorship  of 
Porfirio  Diaz.  Never,  for  many  years,  had  the  press  dared  to 
speak  as  it  now  spoke ;  had  Diaz  still  been  in  power,  the  situa- 
tion wrould  have  demanded  the  jailing  of  a  score  of  editors  and 
writers.  As  for  Congress,  every  one  knows  what  it  had  been 
for  many  years.  No  laws  were  passed  except  those  which 
emanated  from  the  government;  bills  were  prepared  and  sub- 
mitted for  unanimous  approval;  in  those  days  there  was  no 
calling  of  abusive  names,  no  quarreling,  no  personal  attacks,  no 
fighting ;  all  was  calm  and  peaceful  with  the  calmness  of  stagna- 
tion and  the  peacef ulness  of  death ;  sometimes  the  deputies  did 
not  even  take  the  trouble  to  go  to  the  meeting  hall ;  from  their 
homes  they  telephoned  their  votes  approving  the  governmental 
measures.  Eemembering  the  old  conditions,  these  new  ones 
were  encouraging.  They  might  contain  an  element  of  danger, 
but  they  were  wholesome  signs. 


316 


FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

THE  COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  MADERO 


There  were  no  doubt  causes  for  complaint,  just  causes. 
Among  the  criticisms  of  the  President,  which  were  heard  on 
every  hand,  were  such  as  these : 


JOSE  MARIA  PINO  SUAEEZ. 


First :   He  had  not  destroyed  the  old  regime,  root  and  branch. 
He  had  promised  to  do  so.    When  the  time  came  to  carry  out 


FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO  317 

his  promise,  he  found  it  difficult  and  inexpedient.  It  was  not 
altogether  easy  to  fill  all  offices  with  new  men,  responsible  and 
competent.  More  than  that,  when  he  was  once  in  power,  he 
found  himself  necessarily  in  contact  with  many  men  before  in 
office  who,  by  toadying  or  readjustment,  seemed  to  harmonize 
with  the  plans  and  to  be  ready  to  carry  out  his  principles. 
Great  numbers  of  unfit  representatives  of  the  old  power  re- 
mained in  office  or  had  a  word  in  the  direction  of  affairs.  To 
the  more  radical  of  his  followers  this  was  unsatisfactory. 

Second:  He  had  not  kept  his  promises  in  reference  to  a 
complete  investigation  and  overhauling  of  the  financial  affairs 
of  tlie  old  administration.  In  the  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi  he 
had  definitely  promised  that,  as  soon  as  the  revolution  triumphed, 
commissions  of  investigation  would  be  formed  for  determin- 
ing the  responsibilities  which  the  functionaries  of  thei  con- 
federacy, the  cities,  and  municipalities  had  incurred.  Once  in 
power,  that  promise  was  entirely  forgotten  and  no  serious  effort 
was  made  to  fix  responsibility  or  to  recover  damages. 

Third:  In  the  same  famous  document  Madero  had  said: 
"by  taking  advantage  of  the  law  of  public  uncultivated  lands 
numerous  small  proprietors,  for  the  most  part  indigenes,  have 
been  despoiled  of  their  property,  either  by  the  approval  of  the 
Secretary  of  Fomento  or  by  decisions  of  the  tribunals  of  the 
Eepublic.  It  being  the  part  of  justice  to  restore  to  their  ancient 
possessors  the  lands  of  which  they  had  been  despoiled  in  a  mode 
so  arbitrary,  such  dispossessions  and  judgments  are  declared 
to  be  subject  to  revision,  and  it  will  be  demanded  of  those  who 
have  acquired  them  in  a  mode  so  immoral,  or  from  their  heirs, 
that  they  should  restore  them  to  their  primitive  owners,  to  whom 
also  they  will  pay  an  indemnity  for  the  losses  suffered.  Only 
in  the  case  where  such  lands  have  passed  to  a  third  party  before 
the  promulgation  of  this  plan,  the  ancient  proprietors  will 
receive  indemnification  from  those  in  whose  benefit  the  spolia- 
tion took  place."  This  was  one  of  the  powerful  influences 
which  had  helped  him  in  his  revolution.  The  fact  that  he  had 
promised  to  the  dispossessed  the  return  of  their  little  prop- 


318  FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

erties  had  been  a  mighty  factor  in  his  favor.  It  was  easy  for 
the  leader  of  a  revolution  to  make  such  promises.  It  was  diffi- 
cult for  a  man  at  the  head  of  the  government  to  keep  them. 

Fourth:  It  is  probable  that  the  election  of  Madero  was 
honest;  it  was  more  nearly  a  genuine  election  than  Mexico  had 
known  for  many  years.  But  if  his  own  election  was  honest, 
the  same  could  not  be  said  for  that  of  the  Vice-President,  Pino 
Suarez.  To  secure  the  election  of  his  friend  and  helper  in  the 
revolution,  Madero  lent  himself  to  the  same  unscrupulous 
methods  of  which  he  had  complained  so  bitterly  under  the  old 
regime. 

Fifth:  One  of  the  chief  complaints  against  Porfirio  Diaz 
was  that  he  held  unfit,  unpopular,  and  wicked  men  in  office, 
simply  because  they  were  devoted  to  his  personal  interests  or 
could  be  depended  upon,  on  account  of  their  own  interests,  to 
support  him  at  every  cost.  No  one  had  more  loudly  complained 
of  this  condition  than  Madero.  Yet  once  in  power,  he  forced 
unpopular  officials  upon  the  public  simply  because  they  were 
his  friends  or  relatives.  Pino  Suarez  had  no  claim  to  be  made 
Governor  of  Yucatan,  a  post  of  special  difficulty  and  delicacy ; 
nor  was  he  the  man  for  Vice-President  of  the  Eepublic.  Nor 
was  it  wise  to  use  his  own  personal  family  largely  in  official  life. 
A  brother  and  an  uncle  in  the  Cabinet  was  too  large  a  representa- 
tion. Ernesto,  his  uncle,  was  a  man  of  considerable  ability,  and 
perhaps  fitted  for  the  office  under  another  president.  Gustavo 
Madero  was  a  dangerous  man ;  he  had  no  ideals ;  he  was  shrewd 
and  interested  only  in  gaining  wealth  and  power.  It  is  prob- 
able that  he  despised  Francisco's  theories  and  had  contempt 
for  his  ideals.  Anyway,  he  was  a  bad  adviser  and  a  malign 
influence.  He  and  Pino  Suarez  were  bosom  friends,  and  together 
did  much  to  change  the  policies  of  the  president  and  to  prevent 
his  carrying  out  his  pledges. 

Sixth :  Money  had  been  squandered ;  the  treasury  was  empty; 
the  nation  faced  bankruptcy.  Worse,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Ernesto  Madero,  was  arbitrary  in  his  rendering  of 
accounts.  He  claimed  the  right  to  disburse  large  sums  of  money 


FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO  319 

without  a  statement  as  to  the  purpose  of  expenditure.  The 
money  which  the  faimly  claimed  to  have  expended  in  the  con- 
duct of  the  revolution  had  been  reimbursed.  The  very  respect- 
able sum  of  700,000  pesos  was  entered  as  a  single  item 
without  a  word  as  to  its  destination.  Here  indeed  was  opportu- 
nity for  suspicion,  and  it  was  claimed  by  many  that  this  large 
sum  was  the  return  of  loans  from  American  interests,  who  had 
advanced  aid  to  the  revolution. 

Seventh :  Under  the  influence  of  Gustavo  Madero  and  Pino 
Suarez,  it  was  claimed  that  the  idealist,  the  democrat,  was  tend- 
ing toward  an  autocracy  as  arbitrary  as  that  of  the  old  dictator. 

Eighth:  Doubt  was  felt  as  to  the  sincerity  of  Madero  in 
the  matter  of  reelection.  Whether  he  still  held  the  principle  or 
not,  it  is  doubtful  whether  Gustavo  looked  forward  to  retire- 
ment to  private  life  when  the  period  for  which  President  Madero 
had  been  elected  should  terminate.  This  doubt  was  increased 
by  the  fact  that  the  president  had  already  broken  pledges  made 
in  the  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi.  If  he  had  not  destroyed  the  old 
regime,  if  he  had  not  investigated  their  financial  record,  if  he 
had  not  taken  steps  to  restore  the  properties  to  the  little  dis- 
possessed land-owners,  what  reason  was  there  to  believe  that  he 
would  hold  to  the  motto  of  his  revolution — effective  suffrage 
and  no  reelection? 

These  were  but  a  part  of  the  just  causes  of  complaint  so 
violently  urged  in  the  opposition  press  and  on  the  floors  of 
Congress.  They  and  all  others  practically  reduce  themselves 
to  three  general  objections  or  criticisms.  Madero  had  made 
promises  which  had  not  been  kept.  He  had  retained  Huerta 
and  Blanquet  and  many  others  of  the  old  regime  in  power 
against  his  pledge  and  against  the  advice  of  his  more  prudent 
counsellors.  "With  insistency  he  held  Pino  Suarez  and  Gustavo 
in  position  against  the  violent  hostility  of  the  thinking  people 
of  the  country. 

COUNTEK-BEVOLUTION 

At  that  time  President  Madero  had  faced  almost  constant 
revolution  from  the  hour  of  accession  to  power.  To  most  peo- 


320  FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

pie  these  outbreaks  seem  purposeless,  without  significance.  Five 
of  them  had  taken  place.  Each  had  a  perfectly  distinct  character 
and  cause. 

OROZCO 

Orozco  was  a  muleteer — an  arriero — in  the  mining  region  of 
Chihuahua ;  he  was  a  man  of  little  education  and  no  experience ; 
he  had  given  no  special  attention  to  politics  or  public  questions. 
Personal  and  petty  spite  seems  to  have  led  him  to  join  Madero 's 
revolution.  He  became  one  of  Madero 's  chief  lieutenants — was 
named  a  general.  Even  during  the  progress  of  the  revolution 
he  and  his  leader  had  squabbles.  Shortly  after  the  Diaz  down- 
fall, Orozco  again  entered  the  scene  as  a  revolutionary  leader. 
His  significance  was  simple ;  there  was  no  question  as  to  whence 
his  backing  came.  The  wealthy  interests  which,  in  Chihuahua 
and  in  northern  Mexico  generally,  fattened  under  General  Diaz 
— the  Creel-Terrazas  and  American  mining  interests  backed 
him.  It  was  the  attempt  of  the  old  power  to  return. 

REYES 

When  Bernardo  Eeyes  failed  to  make  a  showing  at  the  elec- 
tion by  which  Madero  became  president,  he  began  to  plot  against 
the  new  regime.  Some  believed  that  he  retained  something  of 
his  old  prestige  and  popularity;  he  took  himself  seriously  and 
thought  he  could  count  upon  the  army  and  an  independent  fol- 
lowing; his  revolution,  launched  Nov.  16,  came  to  a  miserable 
end  at  Christmas.  His  attempt  represented  little;  in  so  far 
as  it  represented  anything,  it  was  the  effort  of  the  cientificos 
to  regain  position. 

VASQUEZ  GOMEZ 

On  Feb.  1,  1812,  Emilio  Vasquez  Gomez  launched  his  revolu- 
tion at  El  Paso,  Texas.  Embittered  against  his  one-time  friend 
and  leader,  he  demanded  Madero 's  renunciation  and  announced 
himself  provisional  president.  He  expected  the  aid  of  Orozco 
who,  however,  failed  him,  and  his  attempt  was  a  complete  fiasco. 


FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO  321 

FELIX   DIAZ 

On  Oct.  16,  in  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  Felix  Diaz  launched  a 
revolution.  He  had  been  a  general  in  the  federal  army,  but 
his  commission  had  been  resigned.  With  pride  he  announced 
that  he  had  captured  that  important  city  without  the  firing  of 
a  gun ;  he  proclaimed  that  what  the  nation  needed  was  an  imme- 
diate and  permanent  peace.  He  named  himself  provisional 
president  of  the  Republic  and  announced  that,  as  soon  as  vic- 
tory was  secured,  he  would  order  a  new  election  and  give  way 
to  a  constitutional  ruler.  Nine  days  later,  on  Oct.  25,  his  revo- 
lution ended  disastrously,  and  General  Diaz  was  himself  a  pris- 
oner in  the  hands  of  the  government  forces.  He  was  tried  by 
a  court-marshal,  sentenced  to  be  shot,  and  escaped  only  through 
the  personal  intervention  of  President  Madero.  He  was  in 
prison  for  a  time  in  San  Juan  Ulua,  but  was  transferred  to  the 
city  prison  in  Mexico. 

ZAPATA 

Most  picturesque,  and  indeed  most  mysterious,  of  the  revolu- 
tionary leaders  with  whom  Madero  had  to  deal  was  the  red- 
handed  Zapata.  He  is  a  bandit,  without  education,  training,  or 
position.  Personal  difficulties  with  petty  local  officials  made 
him  a  leader  of  a  band;  he  may  have  had  good  reason  for  his 
bitterness.  He  aided  Madero 's  effort.  When  the  revolution 
ended,  he  was  called  upon — as  were  the  other  revolutionary 
leaders — to  disarm  his  men  and  send  them  home.  He  named 
the  sum  necessary  for  the  purpose,  and  it  was  sent  him  by  the 
provisional  government;  he  accepted  it,  but  did  not  disband  his 
forces.  A  second  time  he  was  appealed  to ;  a  second  time  he  set 
his  price,  received  his  money,  and  remained  with  his  men  in 
open  banditry.  Curiously  enough,  the  performance  was  re- 
peated a  third  time,  but  Zapata  still  remained  in  the  field  with 
iris  wild  soldiers,  looting  and  destroying.  His  escapes  were  so 
3urious,  his  deeds  of  daring  and  his  abstinence  from  actually 
ittacking  the  capital  city  so  strange  that  many  people  believe 


322  FRANCISCO  I.  MADERO 

that  Madero  did  not  wish  Zapata  to  disarm  his  bandits,  but 
secretly  maintained  them  in  the  belief  that  he  might  need  their 
assistance. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  CONFIDENCE 


The  last  day  of  my  visit  I  had  an  interview  with  President 
Madero.  He  received  us  in  a  corridor  at  the  castle  of  Chapul- 
tapec.  A  small  table  with  some  documents  upon  it  was  placed 
before  his  chair.  He  was  dressed  in  a  simple  business  suit  and 
wore  a  cap  which  he  removed  and  placed  upon  the  table  as  he 
received  us.  He  spoke  English  well,  but  always  loudly,  rapidly, 
and  with  oratorical  effect,  as  if  addressing  a  multitude  of  peo- 
ple. I  told  him  that  I  had  read  his  book  upon  the  presidential 
succession  with  interest,  and  asked  whether  his  views  were  still 
the  same  as  when  he  wrote  it.  He  replied  that,  for  the  most 
part,  he  still  held  the  same  views;  but  he  did  not  feel  that  his 
people  were  as  competent  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  govern- 
ment as  he  had  thought.  After  talking  over  various  matters  of 
policy,  among  them  the  new  law  regarding  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  I  asked  the  President  whether  he  expected  to  finish  his 
term  of  office,  or  whether  he  would  withdraw.  He  replied  that 
he  expected  to  complete  his  term.  I  remarked,  "But,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, there  will  be  great  difficulties  in  the  way  of  your  doing  so ; 
there  are  many  thousands  who  demand  your  retirement. ' '  With 
much  earnestness  he  answered:  "Sir,  I  have  met  difficulties 
before  now,  many  of  them;  I  must  expect  to  meet  great  diffi- 
culties in  the  future;  but  I  shall  surely  serve  my  term  of  office 
through. ' ' 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 

HE   FALLS   UPKIGHT WITH    HUEBTA WAKEHOUSED    GOODS COPYING 

THE     EMPTY     CHEST A     DESPERATE     MEASURE THREATENING 

VOLCANOES A  USELESS  PINE BREAKING  THE  PINATA. 

A  SIMPLE  picture  often  conveys  thought  more  than  an 
elaborate  discussion.  A  good  cartoon  is  better  than  an 
epigram.  McCutcheon  speaks  more  forcibly  and  to  a 
greater  audience  than  Keely.  Sometimes  one  gains  a  clearer 
idea  of  a  political  crisis  by  studying  the  caricatures  of  the  day 
than  by  reading  the  political  arguments.  The  Mexicans  are 
quick  to  learn  through  cartoons.  Throughout  the  history  of 
the  nation  at  every  time  of  crisis  the  cartoon  has  been  used  with 
great  effect.  In  Madero's  case  it  proved  exceptionally  effect- 
ive. While  in  the  press  he  was  mentioned  and  referred  to  in 
the  most  insulting  terms,  in  the  cartoons  he  was  treated  with 
keen  and  terrible  ridicule.  In  writing  he  was  called  the 
"orang,"  the  " imbecile, "  the  " pygmy,"  the  "neurotic" — (he 
was  actually  an  epileptic) ;  in  the  pictures  he  was  represented 
as  a  pygmy,  a  child  at  play.  In  the  beginning  indeed  he  was 
represented  as  an  ordinary  man,  but  as  time  went  on,  the  pic- 
ture of  him  was  that  of  a  smaller  and  smaller,  insignificant, 
being.  Among  the  cartoons  which  told  the  story  of  his  admin- 
istration were  many  which  appeared  in  Multicolor.  It  is  worth 
examining  some  of  them. 

HE   FALLS   UPRIGHT 

In  one  a  street  vendor  with  tumbling  toys  is  represented. 
He  is  a  common  sight  in  Mexico.  As  he  walks  along  the  street, 
he  throws  little  weighted  figures  which  he  has  for  sale  on  the 
sidewalk,  where  they  immediately  right  themselves  as  they 
fall.  In  the  cartoon  such  a  vendor  is  shown  throwing  figures 
upon  the  pavement;  the  legend  below  says,  "He  who  always 
falls  upright. "  The  little  figures  bear  Madero's  face.  It  is 

323 


324 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


true  that  Madero  was  often  lucky;  he  many  times  fell  right- 
side-up;  the  common  people  had  a  sort  of  superstition  in  the 
matter.  As  he  said  himself,  "I  have  met  many  difficulties, 
sir."  He  felt  certain  that  he  would  emerge  from  many  more. 
It  was  the  credulity  or  superstition  of  the  epileptic. 


-jEl  que  siempre  cae  paradito! 
HE  FALLS  UPRIGHT. 


WITH    HUERTA 

A  gigantic  soldier  is  represented,  his  shirt-flap  marked  "V. 
H."  (Victoriano  Huerta),  and  a  little  man  grasping  his  sword. 
At  the  time  Huerta,  operating  against  the  bandits  in  rebellion, 
was  constantly  reporting  brilliant  governmental  victories. 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


325 


Estamos  triunfando  ino? 
WITH  HUERTA. 


326 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


Sometimes  no  doubt  he  was  gaining  them.  In  the  picture  the 
little  man  is  represented  as  saying,  "We  are  triumphing,  are 
we  not?"  Even  at  this  time  the  childlike  dependence  upon  the 
military  leader  was  commented  on.  But  the  meaning  of  the 
cartoon  is  to  emphasize  the  insignificance  of  the  nominal  power 
as  contrasted  with  the  actual. 

WAREHOUSED    GOODS 

One  of  the  saddest,  because  the  truest,  of  the  cartoons  is 
entitled  En  la  bodega — In  the  warehouse.  The  little  man  and 
an  employee  are  in  a  storeroom  where  sacks  of  stuff  are  heaped 


— iY  estas  mercancfas? 

— Eat  as  mercancfas  son  las  qne  no  ae  ban  podido  realizar 


WAREHOUSED  GOODS. 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE  327 

up  in  great  quantities.  He  inquires  of  the  employee,  "How 
about  these  goods V9  The  answer  is,  "These  goods  are  what 
we  have  not  been  able  to  dispose  of."  But  the  goods  which 
had  not  been  disposed  of,  with  which  nothing  had  been  done, 
and  which  were  left  heaped  up  in  the  warehouse,  were  marked, 
"Individual  guarantees,"  "Responsibilities  of  officials,"  "Re- 
distribution of  lands,"  "Effective  suffrage,"  "Independence 
of  governmental  powers"  (Executive,  Judicial,  Legislative),  and 
"Liberty  of  the  Press."  These  were  goods  which  Madero  had 
failed  to  deliver.  The  complaint  was  bitter  that  he  had  not 
kept  his  promises. 

COPYING 

Madero  was  always  complaining  of  the  Diaz  methods.  The 
dictator's  cruel  and  illegal  assumptions  of  power  were  the  con- 
stant theme  of  his  complaints.  Yet  once  in  power,  he  used  the 
hated  and  discredited  dictatorial  methods.  In  the  cartoon  a 
teacher,  looking  down  upon  the  Little  Boy  Blue  drawing  a  pic- 
ture, inquires,  "What  are  you  doing,  boy?"  The  little  boy 
answers,  ' i  I  am  copying. 9  9  The  picture  he  is  copying  is  a  por- 
trait of  Porfirio  Diaz,  set  up  before  him.' 

THE   EMPTY   CHEST 

Another  cartoon  labeled  Auscultando ,  deals  not  with  the 
President,  but  with  Ernesto  Madero,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  uncle  of  the  President.  It  represents  a  doctor  making  a 
physical  examination  of  that  personage.  Feeling  the  hollowing 
curves  of  the  arm-pits  of  his  patient,  he  asks:  "What  is  the 
matter  here  in  the  curves  ? ' '  The  patient  answers :  i  l  Nothing, 
absolutely  nothing."  This  needs  a  few  words  of  explanation. 
"Que  tiene  ud"  may  be  translated  "What  is  the  matter?"  but 
it  also  means  "What  have  you?"  "Las  areas"  means  "the 
cavities  of  the  body  under  the  ribs,"  but  it  also  means  "chest," 
"coffer,"  "vaults."  So  the  innocent  question  of  the  doctor, 
"What  is  the  matter  here  in  your  chest?"  and  his  patient's 
reply  become,  "What  have  you  in  the  treasury?"  "Nothing, 


328 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


EL  DOCTOR.  — 4  Que  tiene  us  ted  en  las  areas  I 
DON  ERNESTO. -Nada,  absolutamente  nada. 

THE  EMPTY  CHEST. 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


329 


i  Mi  rate  en  ese  espejo! 
A  DESPERATE  MEASURE. 


330  HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 

absolutely  nothing."    The  picture  has  reference  to  the  rapid 
depletion  of  the  treasury  under  Don  Ernesto's  control. 

A   DESPERATE    MEASURE 

As  difficulties  had  gathered  around  him,  President  Madero 
felt  himself  driven  to  *  *  suspend  the  constitutional  guarantees. ' ' 
This  is  a  measure  which  always  indicates  a  desperate  condi- 
tion ;  it  should  be  resorted  to  only  when  all  other  procedures  are 
impossible.  I  was  in  Mexico  when  Porfirio  Diaz  announced  the 
suspension  of  the  constitutional  guarantees,  and  well  remember 
the  prodigious  effect  produced  upon  the  minds  of  all.  Within 
the  next  few  hours,  thousands  who  before  had  been  non-parti- 
san, openly  adopted  the  cause  of  the  insurrection.  In  a  car- 
toon bearing  the  title,  Ensenaza — instruction,  teaching — the 
artist  represented  a  little  man  accompanied  by  an  aged  teacher. 
They  are  looking  into  a  mirror  in  which  is  reflected  the  dim 
figure  of  Porfirio  Diaz.  Upon  the  frames  of  the  mirror  are 
the  legends,  "He  suspended  the  guarantees  in  the  month  of 
April.  He  fell  from  power  in  the  month  of  May."  This  was 
prophetic. 

THREATENING   VOLCANOES 

The  topography  of  the  valley  of  Mexico  is  utilized  to  teach 
its  lesson  under  the  title  of  Geologia — geology.  A  cartoon  pre- 
sents a  little  hill  upon  which  a  pygmy  sits ;  surrounding  it  are 
larger  hills  from  each  of  which  a  face  looks  out;  below  is  the 
legend:  "The  hill  of  the  grasshopper  (Chapultepec)  is  a  hill 
of  rock  surrounded  by  dangerous  volcanoes."  Chapultepec 
(Aztec,  meaning  "the  hill  of  the  grasshopper")  rises  from  the 
level  valley  of  Mexico  which  is  bordered  round  about  by  a  circle 
of  mountains.  The  dangerous  surroundings  of  the  President 
were  his  cabinet  members,  some  of  them  plotters  against  him, 
others  heavy  burdens  on  account  of  their  unpopularity.  A 
dangerous  outbreak  might  be  expected  at  any  time  on  account 
of  any  one  of  them. 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


331 


332 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


A    USELESS    PINE 


A  little  gardener  is  represented  holding  a  small  pine-tree  in 
his  hand.  He  asks  of  his  employer,  "  Where  shall  I  put  this 
pine-tree  I"  The  employer  answers,  "Set  it  out  in  the  street. " 
The  play  here  is  on  the  word  pino.  This  means  pine-tree,  but 
the  pino  here  intended  is  Pino  Suarez.  The  demand  on  the  part 
of  President  Madero's  employer — the  Mexican  people — was 
loud  and  vigorous  to  throw  the  unpopular  Vice-President  over- 
board. 


El  jardinero.— iDonde  planto  el  pino? 
El  patr6n.-P16ntek>  Vd.  en  la  calle. 

A  USELESS  PINE. 


BREAKING    THE    PINATA 


The  last  of  these  pictures  to  which  we  shall  call  attention 
is  entitled  Pinata  politico* — the  political  pifiata.  At  Christmas 
time  the  Mexicans  have  the  custom  of  suspending  a  jar,  full 


HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 


333 


334  HELD  UP  TO  RIDICULE 

of  nuts,  candies,  and  fruits,  at  a  good  height,  in  the  patio  of 
their  house  or  in  their  social  room.  Such  a  jar  is  called  a 
pinata  and  is  usually  concealed  by  paper  trimmings  so  as  to 
look  like  a  human  figure,  a  flower,  a  boat,  or  other  fancied  forms ; 
the  guests — mostly  children  or  young  people — assemble  and  are 
supplied  with  sticks;  blindfolded,  they  try  to  strike  the  pinata, 
breaking  it  and  scattering  the  contents  on  the  floor,  where  they 
are  scrambled  after  by  the  guests.  Of  course  the  pinata  must 
not  be  swung  so  high  as  to  be  out  of  reach.  In  the  picture  a 
pinata  is  being  swung;  the  lady  of  the  house,  who  represents 
the  people,  is  directing  the  raising  of  the  pinata  by  a  soldier 
policemen  (Huerta),  and  says  to  him,  "If  you  keep  on  raising 
it,  no  one  will  be  able  to  break  it."  Five  children  with  clubs 
are  waiting  their  chance  to  hit  at. the  pinata  which  has  been 
raised  almost  beyond  reach.  The  woman  is  public  opinion,  the 
soldier  policeman,  the  army,  represented  in  General  Huerta,  its 
head ;  the  pinata  is  Madero ;  the  children  with  clubs  are  the  lead- 
ers of  the  five  revolutions — Orozco,  Keyes,  Zapata,  Vasquez 
Gomez,  and  Felix  Diaz.  Public  Opinion  warns  Huerta  that  he 
should  be  careful ;  that,  if  he  too  skilfully  protected  the  Presi- 
dent, none  of  the  revolutions  could  hope  to  break  his  power. 

The  very  essence  of  cartoons  is  criticism  and  partisanship. 
Both  are  shown  undoubtedly  in  those  which  he  have  described. 
Still,  every  cartoon  must  appeal  to  commonly  recognized  facts, 
or  to  ideas  the  force  of  which  is  generally  admitted.  There  is 
more  instruction  in  regard  to  the  mistakes  of  Madero  to  be 
drawn  from  an  inspection  of  these  pictures  than  from  a  long 
drawn  argument. 


PASCUAL  OROZCO 


RELATIONS    BETWEEN    MADEKO    AND    OKOZCO LACK     OF    DISCIPLINE; 

MUTINY A   POPULAR   HEKO SEED   OF   DISCOKD POLITICAL   AMBI- 
TION  THE      COUNTER-REVOLUTION HUERTA      IN      THE      FIELD 

OROZCO   REAPPEARS. 

THE  revolutionary  struggle  in  Mexico  brought  many  new 
and  unknown  men  into  prominence.     Among  them  few 
have  gained  more  notoriety  than  Pascual  Orozco.     He 
had  been  a  simple  arriero  in  the  state  of  Chihuahua,  bringing 
in  metal  and  ore  from  the  mining  districts  for  shipment.    He 
joined  Madero's  movement  on  Oct.  15,  1810,  when  he  sought 
Abraham  Gonzales,  at  that  time  active  in  organizing  the  inter- 
ests of  the  threatening  revolution.    It  does  not  seem  that  the 
new  recruit  was  impelled  by  any  deep  seated  principles  of  poli- 
tics, nor  by  enmity  toward  President  Diaz;  the  true  motives 

335 


336 


PASCUAL  OROZCO 


that  led  him  to  join  the  revolution  seem  to  have  been  desire  for 
gain  and  a  deep  seated  hostility  to  a  rival  arriero,  Joaquin 
Chavez,  who  was  aided  and  favored  by  the  Creel  interests. 
Whatever  influences  acted  to  drive  Orozco  into  revolution,  he 
was  actually  one  of  the  first  leaders  in  the  field.  With  seven- 


PASCUAL  OROZCO. 


PASCUAL  OROZCO  337 

teen  men  armed  with  rifles,  lie  was  in  the  uprising  of  Nov.  20. 
He  proved  to  be  an  aggressive  leader,  and  had  soon  been  in  a 
number  of  battles;  in  some  of  these  there  had  been  heavy  loss 
on  the  part  of  the  insurrectos,  and  Orozco  gained  the  reputa- 
tion of  a  veteran  soldier.  He  was  conspicuous  in  the  first  actual 
victory  of  the  struggle,  the  seizure  of  Ciudad  Guerrero.  He 
also  displayed  marked  bravery  in  the  two  or  three  next  notable 
successes  of  the  insurgents.  The  American  reporters,  who  were 
in  the  field  with  Madero 's  forces,  did  much  to  make  Orozco 
famous.  Summerfield,  of  the  Associated  Press,  said  at  one 
time :  ' '  Madeno  believed  in  him  as  in  providence  itself,  coming 
to  look  upon  him  not  only  as  his  own  right  arm,  but  as  the  right 
arm  of  the  revolution." 

RELATIONS  BETWEEN  MADERO  AND  OROZCO 

When  on  March  8,  1911,  he  was  asked  what  grade  Orozco 
held  in  his  army,  Madero  is  said  to  have  replied:  "Colonel, 
only  colonel,  but  I  shall  make  him  general  as  soon  as  I  have 
taken  Ciudad  Juarez."  Curiously  enough,  while  Orozco  had 
actually  deserved  credit  in  a  number  of  actions  before  this 
date,  he  did  not  distinguish  himself  again  during  the  course  of 
the  revolution  until  the  battle  of  Ciudad  Juarez.  In  February 
Orozco  had  advanced  against  Ciudad  Juarez.  Before  he  had, 
however,  made  an  actual  attack,  he  was  ordered  to  hurry  to 
Casas  Grandes  to  join  Madero  in  his  attack  upon  that  city. 
Unfortunately,  Madero  did  not  await  his  coming.  The  battle 
was  fought — and  lost.  It  was  one  of  the  severest  reverses  in 
the  course  of  the  whole  revolution.  It  was  one  of  the  very  few 
occasions  when  Francisco  I.  Madero  himself  led  the  forces. 
After  the  defeat  at  Casas  Grandes  the  revolutionary  forces  were 
moved  toward  the  capital  city,  Chihuahua,  where  for  some  time 
they  tarried,  but  did  not  capture  it.  Finally,  the  revolutionary 
army  made  its  way  toward  Ciudad  Juarez,  which  was  invested. 
Operations  were  for  a  time  interrupted  by  the  negotiations 
looking  toward  peace,  but  finally  the  city  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  revolutionists  and  the  armed  struggle  came  to  an  end. 


338  PASCUAL  OROZCO 

LACK  OF  DISCIPLINE;  MUTINY 

While  at  times  he  showed  bravery  in  the  field  and  gained 
considerable  reputation  as  a  soldier  and  a  leader,  Orozco  was 
badly  disciplined.  There  was  often  difference  of  opinion 
between  himself  and  Madero,  and  it  is  claimed  that  on  May  13, 
during  the  period  when  terms  of  peace  were  being  considered, 
he  led  a  mutiny.  This  was  widely  reported  at  the  time  in  the 
newspapers.  Exactly  what  took  place  has  been  disputed.  The 
report  published  in  the  El  Paso  Herald  is  as  follows:  "Lack 
of  funds,  and  practically  lack  of  food,  determined  Orozco  and 
his  companions  to  rebel,  discontented  with  the  manner  in  which 
Madero,  the  provisional  president,  had  conducted  himself  after 
the  bitter  battle  of  Juarez,  naming  ministers  with  whom,  they 
say,  he  consulted  political  questions,  by  preference  to  his  mili- 
tary chiefs,  and  for  his  evident  neglect  of  all  the  actual  necessi- 
ties of  his  troops.  At  about  9 :30  this  morning  Pascual  Orozco 
brought  together  100  of  his  soldiers,  all  well  armed  and 
mounted,  and  directed  himself  to  the  headquarters  of  the  pro- 
visional president.  There  he  demanded  of  Madero  money  for 
his  men,  who  had  not  been  paid,  and  food  for  their  empty 
stomachs.  Madero  was  not  able  to  satisfy  the  demand.  He 
explained  that  it  would  be  impossible  at  that  moment,  but  that 
afterward  some  arrangement  would  be  made  for  meeting  the 
necessities  of  the  people.  Orozco  replied  that  the  insurrectos 
had  suffered  for  much  time,  and  that  Madero  and  his  ministers 
had  shown  themselves  incompetent.  After  this  he  declared 
Madero  arrested.  Outside,  the  soldiers  of  Orozco  were  drawn 
up  in  line,  waiting  with  anxiety  the  result  of  the  interview  be- 
tween Orozco  and  the  provisional  president.  Madero  went  to 
the  door,  and  begged  the  soldiers  to  aid  him  in  that  crisis, 
explaining  as  he  had  done  without  result  to  Orozco,  that  their 
needs  would  be  attended  to  within  brief  space  of  time ;  but  his 
requests  were  not  listened  to.  *  Viva  Orozco !'  was  the  cry  which 
issued  from  the  files  of  soldiers,  and  Madero  returned  to  Ms- 
office,  followed  by  his  general.  The  discussion  continued. 


PASCUAL  OROZCO  339 

Orozco  demanded  the  immediate  deposition  of  the  whole  cabinet 
of  Madero,  saying  with  contempt  that  the  ministers  were  incom- 
petent, and  demanded  that  in  the  future  Madero  should  give 
more  attention  to  the  immediate  necessities  of  his  soldiers. 
Madero  submitted  to  these  demands,  he  and  his  general  em- 
braced each  other,  and  the  incipient  rebellion  concluded  with 
the  understanding  that  the  cabinet  should  cease  to  exist  and 
that  the  troops  should  be  better  cared  for  in  the  future."  How 
much  of  this  story  of  mutiny  is  true  is  uncertain,  but  that 
Orozco  was  treacherous  and  unreliable  does  not  admit  of  ques- 
tion. During  the  time  that  the  peace  commissioners  sent  by 
the  Diaz  government  treated  with  Madero,  Orozco  repeatedly 
went  to  them  privately  and  discussed  the  condition  of  affairs, 
especially  with  Toribio  Esquivel  Obregon. 

A   POPULAR   HERO 

With  the  success  of  the  revolution  and  the  return  of  Pascual 
Orozco  to  Chihuahua,  he  became  a  popular  hero.  He  who  had 
been  nothing,  was  now  treated  with  the  utmost  distinction. 
"All  the  world  acclaimed  him;  they  waited  breathless  to  hear 
him  speak,  even  a  word." 

The  favorite  pictures  of  the  popular  leader  at  this  time  rep- 
resented him  as  a  very  common  looking,  low  grade  mestizo. 
Dr.  Eamon  Puente,  who  wrote  a  book  about  Pascual  Orozco, 
but  who  greatly  disliked  him,  describes  his  personal  appearance 
as  follows:  "Orozco  revealed  clearly  more  than  country  rus- 
ticity, the  wild  instincts  and  savage  passions  of  the  criminal. 
His  physiognomy  has  the  features  which  betray  the  qualities 
inclined,  and  sensitive,  to  crime.  His  lower  jaw  broad  and 
heavy,  the  enormous  mouth,  with  thin  lips ;  the  large  face,  with 
broad  cheek  bones;  the  discolored  skin;  the  scant  beard;  the 
broad,  straight  nose;  the  projecting  ears;  and  lastly,  the  cold 
and  repellant  glance,  shot  forth  from  faded  blue  eyes,  showed 
in  him  an  aggregation  of  anthropological  signs  extremely  com- 
mon in  the  criminal  man,  to  such  a  degree  as  to  arouse  in  one 's 
conception  of  him  the  impression  of  a  mattoid." 


340  PASCUAL  O&OZCO 

SEED  OF  DISCORD 

During  the  interim  presidency  of  de  la  Barra,  Pascual  Orozco 
remained  in  Chihuahua,  petted  and  adulated  by  those  whose 
interests  he  might  be  able  to  serve.  When  the  break  came 
between  Madero  and  Vasquez  Gomez,  it  was  commonly  believed 
that  Orozco  was  wavering  in  loyalty  and  inclined  to  become 
Vasquista.  It  is  said  that  when  Madero  was  making  a  cam- 
paign through  Chihuahua  in  favor  of  the  candidacy  of  Pino 
Suarez  for  Vice-President  the  following  incident  occurred: 
Madero  was  addressing  a  large  group  of  hearers  from  a  bal- 
cony. At  his  right  was  Governor  Abraham  Gonzales,  and  at 
his  left  Pascual  Orozco.  The  audience  heard  the  leader  with 
great  approbation  until  he  came  to  speak  of  the  question  of  the 
vice-presidency.  "He  began  by  attacking  Vasquez  Gomez,  in- 
tentionally exaggerating  his  defects  and  the  tendencies  of  his 
policies,  in  order  that  the  virtues  of  his  own  candidate  might  be 
more  evident."  The  enthusiasm  immediately  disappeared.  All 
looked  to  see  what  impression  would  be  produced  upon  Orozco 
by  the  attacks  upon  Vasquez  Gomez.  Orozco  showed  no  sign 
of  feeling.  When,  however,  the  name  of  Pino  Suarez  was  men- 
tioned, the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  a  frightful  outcry 
mingled  with  shrill  whistlings  and  hisses.  Madero  did  not  lose 
serenity,  but  cried,  "Ah,  well,  then,  hiss  me  also."  "No,  no," 
thundered  the  multitude.  "Then  listen  to  me,"  he  replied. 
The  crowd  was  silenced,  and  he  continued  the  eulogies  of  Pino 
Suarez,  which,  however,  did  not  convince  them.  The  author 
from  whom  this  incident  is  quoted,  believes  that  with  this 
incident  Madero  lost  his  last  hold  upon  Orozco. 

POLITICAL  AMBITION 

When  Orozco  went  to  the  capital  city  to  arrange  for  the 
disarming  of  his  forces,  he  was  received  with  the  same  enthu- 
siasm as  in  his  own  state  capital.  On  that  occasion,  it  is  said 
that  he  was  paid  50,000  pesos  for  his  services.  He  was  not 
satisfied  with  the  amount,  and  demanded  that  it  should  be 


PASCUAL  OROZCO  341 

doubled.  This  was  refused  by  Madero,  and  the  two  parted  in 
bad  humor  with  each  other.  Orozco  was  put  in  charge  of  the 
rural  military  zone  of  Chihuahua.  This,  too,  did  not  suit  him. 
He  had  expected  a  larger  recognition  of  his  merits;  he  had 
expected  to  be  made  at  least  the  governor  of  his  state.  Nat- 
urally he  looked  with  disfavor  upon  Abraham  Gonzales,  who 
was  appointed  provisional  governor,  until  elections  should  take 
place.  When  the  elections  neared,  Pascual  Orozco  entered  the 
field  as  a  rival  candidate  against  Don  Abraham.  He  was  de- 
feated, and  Gonzales  was  elected  constitutional  governor.  Un- 
fortunately he  was  soon  after  summoned  to  Mexico  to  accept  a 
seat  in  President  Madero 's  cabinet.  He  was  made  Minister  of 
Gobernacion,  at  the  time  unquestionably  the  most  important 
position  in  the  body.  To  the  disgust  of  Orozco,  Aureliano  Gon- 
zales was  made  governor  interim  during  the  absence  of  the 
actual  governor.  This  man  was  certainly  not  adapted  to  the 
position.  He  soon  found  difficulties  rising  and  had  a  rupture 
with  his  secretary  of  state,  Braulio  Hernandez.  Hernandez 
at  once  announced  himself  a  partisan  of  Vasquez  Gomez  and 
resigned  the  position.  Meantime  the  wealthy  interests,  which 
had  been  encouraged  by  Diaz,  and  were  committed  to  his  cause, 
had  in  every  way  attempted  to  develop  hostility  in  Orozco 
against  the  new  government.  These  interests,  of  course, 
were  the  Creel-Terrazas  faction.  Playing  upon  his  vanity, 
avarice,  and  jealousy,  they  inflamed  him  to  revolt.  In  January 
Orozco  was  publicly  complaining  against  the  Madero  govern- 
ment. 

COUNTEE-KEVOLUTION 

He  made  four  points :  The  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi  had  not 
been  carried  out,  Madero  had  entered  into  league  with  the 
cientificos,  the  family  of  the  president  was  practicing  enor- 
mous abuses  with  the  public  treasury,  duties  of  patriotism 
drove  him  to  hostility.  Matters  were  so  threatening  that  Gov- 
ernor Gonzales  was  hurried  back  to  his  capital  city  to  resume 
charge  of  the  state  government.  Difficulties  were  thrown  in  his 


342  PASCUAL  OROZCO 

way  and  he  made  a  ridiculous  figure  before  he  succeeded  in 
regaining  his  city.  Once  there,  and  again  in  power,  he  was 
treated  with  contempt  by  Orozco  and  his  followers.  The  Orozco 
movement  having  been  supplied  with  funds  to  the  amount  of 
1,200,000  pesos  by  its  wealthy  backers,  Orozco  openly  took  the 
field  in  revolt  against  the  government.  The  whole  of  Chihuahua 
was  soon  in  open  rebellion,  outbreaks  taking  place  in  Ciudad 
Juarez,  Casas  Grandes  and  elsewhere. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  go  into  complete  detail  regarding  this 
revolution  of  Orozco.  It  dragged  on  for  months.  Orozco  him- 
self assumed  great  importance.  He  was  in  communication  with 
various  disaffected  groups  in  different  parts  of  the  republic. 
For  a  time  he  seemed  committed  to  the  cause  of  Vasquez 
Gomez;  he  was  flirting  with  the  various  groups  of  hostiles  in 
the  City  of  Mexico,  to  see  where  it  was  best  worth  while  to 
throw  his  aid;  he  even  opened  up  communication  with  Zapata. 
He  took  steps  to  gain  the  recognition  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States.  Finally  an  important  body  of  troops  was  sent 
against  him  from  the  City  of  Mexico  under  the  leadership  of 
General  Gonzales  Salas.  Associated  with  him  were  such  well 
known  officers  as  Generals  Tellez,  Trucy  Aubert,  Blanquet,  and 
Martinez.  They  hurried  to  the  city  of  Torreon,  near  which  an 
important  battle  finally  took  place.  It  was  badly  managed. 
General  Salas  divided  his  forces,  sending  them  to  points  the 
roads  to  which  were  badly  known  to  him.  The  most  serious 
combat  took  place  in  the  Canon  de  Rellano.  It  ended  in  a  serious 
defeat  of  the  federal  forces.  The  general-in-chief  committed 
suicide ;  the  chief-of-staff ,  a  lieutenant  colonel  and  several  prom- 
inent officers  were  killed;  General  Blanquet  was  wounded; 
Trucy  Aubert  was  lost  sight  of,  and  for  a  time  it  was  feared 
that  he  had  met  disaster;  Tellez,  with  difficulty,  succeeded  in 
drawing  his  troops  back  to  safety.  The  report  of  this  disaster 
produced  consternation  in  the  capital.  The  hero,  by  the  way, 
who  gained  the  victory,  was  not  Orozco,  but  Emilio  Campa. 


PASCUAL  OROZCO  343 

HUEETA  IN   THE  FIELD 

General  Huerta  was  hurried  to  the  field  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  federal  army.  He  laid  out  a  careful  plan  of  ad- 
vance, providing  for  every  contingency.  It  was  carried  through 
with  complete  success.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Emilio 
Vasquez  Gomez  proclaimed  himself  president  interim  of  the 
republic.  Although  he  had  been  considered  a  supporter  of 
Vasquez  Gomez,  Orozco  took  exception  to  his  proclamation  and 
demanded  that  he  should  withdraw  it.  It  is  possible  that  he 
was  looking  forward  to  proclaiming  himself  president;  what- 
ever may  have  been  his  idea,  he  succeeded  in  terrifying  the 
unlucky  Vasquez  Gomez,  who  realized  that  without  Orozco 's 
aid  he  was  nothing,  and  at  once  withdrew  to  San  Antonio, 
Texas.  Immediately  after  this  incident  there  took  place  the 
battle  of  Conejos ;  Orozco  lost  it,  and  withdrew  to  Eellano — the 
site  of  the  former  great  victory.  Huerta  advanced  and  a  sec- 
ond battle  took  place  at  Kellano ;  again  discipline  and  training 
counted  for  something,  and  the  federal  forces  gained  the  day. 
Orozco  fell  back  to  Bachimba,  The  revolutionary  leader  un- 
doubtedly realized  that  he  had  no  hope  of  winning  the  final 
battle.  He  prepared  Chihuahua  for  the  news  of  his  defeat,  had 
prisoners  removed  from  the  capital  city  to  Casas  Grandes  and 
awaited  the  final  test  of  strength.  It  came  at  Bachimba  and 
resulted  in  a  complete  victory  for  Huerta 's  army.  With  this 
battle  the  actual  revolution  in  the  north  came  to  an  end.  Huerta 
and  his  victorious  forces  went  on  to  the  capital  city  of  Chi- 
huahua. Abraham  Gonzales,  who  had  been  forced  to  leave  the 
governor's  chair,  had  been  in  hiding.  It  was  popularly  be- 
lieved that  he  had  sought  a  refuge  with  Villa.  Between  this 
popular  leader  in  Madero's  revolution  and  Orozco,  there  was 
deep-seated  hostility.  When  Orozco  was  plotting  revolution 
against  Madero,  Villa  was  still  in  the  state  of  Chihuahua,  and 
he  and  his  men  remained  loyal  to  Madero's  cause.  Abraham 
Gonzales  appeared,  while  Huerta  was  making  his  way  slowly 
northward.  He  asserted  that  he  had  not  been  with  Villa,  but 


344  PASCUAL  OROZCO 

in  concealment  elsewhere.    Huerta  replaced  him  in  his  position 
in  Chihuahua. 

OROZCO  REAPPEARS 

Orozco  disappeared  and  for  some  months  nothing  was  heard 
of  him.  Disturbance  of  a  desultory  kind  continued  in  the  unfor- 
tunate northern  state,  but  its  popular  leader  was  not  in  charge. 
With  the  20th  of  February,  1913,  when  General  Huerta  had 
seized  the  power  in  Mexico,  and  the  Madero  government  had 
fallen  and  its  chief  had  suffered  martyrdom,  Pascual  Orozco 
appeared  once  more  upon  the  scene.  He  sent  a  message  of 
felicitation  to  the  provisional  president, — his  conqueror,  be  it 
remembered, — and  stated  that  he  should  come  to  Mexico  within 
a  few  days  to  place  himself  at  the  orders  of  the  government. 
He  really  did  so,  and  brought  with  him  various  of  his  helpers,— 
Campa,  Argumedo,  Caraveo,  and  his  secretary,  Cordova.  He 
was  received  by  Huerta  and  given  a  position  as  brigadier- 
general  of  the  regular  forces.  Not  only  was  the  young  man 
provided  for,  but  his  father,  who  had  figured  amusingly  in  all 
his  period  of  grandeur,  was  made  colonel.  Pascual  Orozco 
took  a  part  in  various  battles  under  the  new  regime.  He  gained 
no  great  victories,  but  his  past  reputation  made  his  movements 
matter  of  public  interest.  It  was  lately  reported  by  General 
Bliss  of  the  American  army  that  he  had  been  killed  in  battle. 
So  many  who  have  been  killed  since  May,  1910,  have  later 
reappeared  alive  and  active,  that  one  feels  a  little  doubt  regard- 
ing such  reports. 


FEDERALS  FIRING  FROM  STEEL  CAR,  TORREON. 


ZAPATISM 

QUESTION"  OF  LAND  DISTRIBUTION  -  ATTEMPT  TO  DISBAND  ZAP  ATA  's 
FORCES  -  RAMPANT  BANDITRY-  —  ENCIRCLING  MOVEMENT  BALKED  —  - 
DESPERATE  SITUATION  -  EXCITEMENT  IN  CONGRESS  -  A  FERVID 
ORATION  —  HUERTA'S  CAMPAIGN  —  UNDER  THE  MADERO  GOVERN- 

MENT -  SOURCE     OF     ZAPATISM  -  ZAPATISTS    IN     FEBRUARY, 


IN  the  south  of  the  republic,  two  chiefs  aided  in  Madero's 
revolution.    One  of  these  was  Ambrosio  Figueroa,  in  Guer- 
rero.   He  proved  to  be  a  man  of  definite  principles  and  a 
loyal  partisan  of  those  to  whom  he  gave  his  aid.    He  has  quali- 
ties of  leadership  and  has  developed  great  ability.    The  other 
was  Emiliano  Zapata,  of  Morelos.    There  seems  to  be  universal 
agreement  that  he  is  a  man  of  cruel  disposition,  strong  passions, 
without  education,  but  a  plausible  propagandist.    He  is  false, 
treacherous,  unreliable.    During  the  revolution  the  most  shock- 
ing deeds  of  brutality  and  barbarism  —  some  of  which  unfor- 

345 


346  ZAPATISM 

innately  always  take  place  in  such  popular  movements — were 
attributed  to  the  wild  bands  under  his  direction.  They  seem 
not  only  to  have  themselves  delighted  in  arson,  rapine,  slaughter, 
and  mutilation,  but  they  were  given  complete  license  by  their 
leaders.  Toward  the  close  of  Madero's  struggle,  Zapata  seized 
Cuauhtla,  after  a  brave  defense  by  the  federal  forces,  and  per- 
mitted his  two  thousand  men  to  indulge  in  hours  of  loot  and 
dreadful  slaughter.  Similar  scenes  of  butchery  and  destruction 
had  been  permitted  in  many  other  places. 

QUESTION  OF  LAND  DISTRIBUTION 

In  the  Plan  of  San  Luis  Potosi  distribution  of  land  to  little 
holders,  the  great  estates  being  broken  up,  was  promised. 
Zapata  claims  that  it  was  this  promise  which  led  him  to  revolu- 
tion, and  that  it  was  the  hope  of  such  land  distribution  that  has 
kept  him  in  the  field.  When  the  treaty  of  Ciudad  Juarez  was 
signed,  and  the  announcement  made  of  the  suspension  of  hostili- 
ties, Zapata  and  his  forces  for  a  moment,  but  for  a  moment  only, 
checked  their  career  of  pillage  and  destruction.  They  claimed 
to  have  expected  immediate  distribution  of  lands.  Such  distri- 
bution of  course  did  not  take  place. 

ATTEMPT    TO    DISBAND    ZAPATA  *S    FORCES 

Be  la  Barra  was  suspicious  of  Zapata  and  anxious  that  lie 
and  his  forces  should  promptly  be  disbanded.  He  was,  there- 
fore, one  of  the  first  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolution  to  be  dealt 
with.  He  expected  that  he  would  be  left  in  charge  of  a  rural 
force;  he  seemed  to  consent  to  the  disbanding  of  his  men. 
Events,  however,  proved  that  all  the  time  he  had  not  intended 
to  give  up  his  arms  or  ammunition,  nor  to  retire  unless  division 
and  distribution  of  lands  were  made.  Agents  were  sent  to  deal 
with  him;  after  much  discussion  and  vacillation  on  his  part,  a 
number  of  his  followers  were  brought  together,  presented,  and 
received  the  money  due  them ;  in  return  they  gave  up  worthless 
arms  and  worn-out  horses.  When  on  account  of  this  treachery, 
vigorous  action  was  planned  against  him,  Madero  offered  to  go 


ZAPATISM  347 

in  person  to  confer  with  him  and  try  to  bring  him  to  submit 
to  the  new  conditions,  give  up  his  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
disband  his  soldiers.  The  conference  was  held;  Zapata  seemed 
to  agree  to  the  proposition  made  by  Madero,  and  promised  sub- 
mission and  disbanding.  Before  Madero  offered  to  go  to  see 
him,  troops  had  been  dispatched  against  the  bandit  leader. 
Zapata  told  Madero  that  he  would  only  give  up  arms  and  disband 
if  these  forces  were  withdrawn.  The  demand  did  not  please  the 
interim  government,  but  the  troops  were  drawn  back  to  a  cer- 
tain distance,  and  money  was  paid  to  the  Zapatist  soldiers ;  again 
worthless  arms  were  yielded  in  exchange,  all  good  ones  being 
retained  in  the  hands  of  the  guerrillas.  Curiously  enough,  a 
third  effort  was  made,  a  third  payment  given,  and  a  third  decep- 
tion practiced.  De  la  Barra  's  government  had  reached  the  limit 
of  its  patience,  and  orders  were  given  that  he  and  his  should  be 
pursued  relentlessly. 

RAMPANT   BANDITEY 

Conditions  really  were  desperate.  Not  only  did  bands  of 
looters  sweep  though  Morelos,  leaving  disaster  and  ruin  in  their 
wake,  but  they  made  incursions  into  the  neighboring  states  of 
Puebla,  Mexico,  and  Tlaxcala,  These  bands  were  really  under 
Zapata  rs  control.  Their  raiding  and  looting  were  going  on 
during  the  period  when  the  government  was  treating  with  him, 
and  he  was  pretending  to  be  making  plans  for  disarmament.  In 
connection  with  their  excursions  hideous  crimes  were  perpe- 
trated. Among  them  was  the  incident  of  Covadonga,  which  in- 
volved the  nation  with  the  governments  of  Spain  and  Germany. 
As  the  result  of  the  Zapata  movement,  Morelos  was  almost  de- 
populated. Whole  towns  disappeared,  the  houses  being  burned. 

SURROUNDING  MOVEMENT  BALKED 

It  was  finally  decided  to  employ  the  aid  of  Figueroa  in  deal- 
ing with  the  problem.  He  was  told  to  cease  disbanding  his 
soldiers,  and  to  use  them  in  an  attempt  to  suppress  Zapata 's 
forces.  The  period  of  time  during  which  disbandment  was  to 


348 


ZAPATISM 


Photograph,    Underwood    and    UmK'nvood 

THE  ZAPATA  BROTHERS. 


ZAPATISM  349 

take  place  ended  with  July  1,  and  it  had  been  announced  that, 
after  that  date,  all  persons  found  in  a  state  of  insurrection 
would  be  considered  bandits.  In  August  the  headquarters  of 
the  Zapatists  was  at  Yautepec.  Together  with  regular  forces, 
which  had  been  sent  to  the  field  of  action,  Figueroa  and  his  men 
began  an  enclosing  movement.  All  was  going  well  with  the 
military  enterprise,  and  it  looked  as  if  the  problem  of  Zapatism 
would  soon  be  settled.  Nearer  and  nearer  drew  the  enclosing 
circle.  Then,  suddenly,  as  it  was  learned  later  acting  under 
special  orders,  one  column  of  the  enclosing  forces  abandoned 
its  position,  and  the  enemy  escaped  without  difficulty  and  again 
began  to  overrun  the  country.  The  suspicion  began  to  be  gen- 
erally held  that,  for  some  reason,  some  one  desired  to  maintain 
a  force  of  the  old  revolutionists  in  arms. 

DESPEKATE  SITUATION 

Finally  the  Government  applied  the  suspension  of  guaran- 
tees, inherited  from  the  former  government,  to  the  present 
situation.  Any  one  taken  in  the  act  of  insurrection  might  be 
shot  without  investigation.  Chaos  ruled.  The  railroad  in 
Morelos  was  paralyzed ;  trains  were  assaulted  and  innocent  pas- 
sengers murdered;  country  places  were  attacked;  little  towns 
were  ravaged ;  the  whole  state  was  sprinkled  with  ruins,  cinders 
and  ashes,  and  the  dead.  On  the  23d  of  October,  a  band  from 
Morelos  entered  the  state  of  Puebla  and  even  penetrated  into 
the  Federal  District.  On  the  24th,  Milpa  Alta  was  attacked. 
Towns  close  to  the  capital  city,  like  Xochimilco  and  Tlalpam, 
were  in  terror  and  the  people  fled  from  their  homes.  Of  course 
a  force  was  hurried  against  the  invaders  from  the  capital  city, 
but  the  bandits  gained  the  heights  of  Ajusco  and  escaped. 

EXCITEMENT  IN  CONGKESS 

This  was  much  too  near  for  comfort.  Assault  had  been 
made  almost  within  sight  of  the  capital  city.  A  public  demand 
for  prompt  and  effective  action  rose.  The  clamor  was  echoed 
in  the  House  of  Deputies,  and  Jose  Maria  Lozano  and  Francisco 


350  ZAPATISM 

M.  de  Olaguibel  made  long  and  forcible  speeches  and  demanded 
that  the  secretary  of  Gobernacion  and  the  sub-secretary  of  the 
Department  of  War  and  Marine  should  appear  before  the 
House  to  explain  the  situation.  The  Sub-secretary  of  War  and 
Marine  was  Manuel  Gonzales  Salas ;  he  was  a  relative  of  Fran- 
cisco I.  Madero ;  it  was  reported  that  he  had  told  a  newspaper 
reporter  that  "Zapatism  would  end  three  days  after  Senor 
Madero  should  take  upon  him  the  presidency  of  the  Republic/' 
In  response  to  the  demand  of  congress,  Alberto  Garcia 
Granados,  Secretary  of  Gobernacion,  and  Manuel  Gonzales 
Salas,  Sub-secretary  of  War  and  Marine,  appeared  and  were 
interpellated.  In  his  speech  Granados  said:  " There  exists  a 
powerful  influence  which  hinders  the  orders  of  the  government 
from  being  executed. ' '  The  next  day  two  meetings  of  the  cabinet 
were  held  to  discuss  the  situation,  the  second  lasting  for  many 
hours  late  into  the  night.  As  the  result  of  these  meetings,  Gran- 
ados, Salas,  and  Francisco  Vasquez  Gomez  resigned  from  the 
cabinet. 

A  FERVID  ORATION 

It  is  worth  while  to  quote  a  passage  from  one  of  these 
speeches  before  congress.  Olaguibel  said  in  speaking  of  the 
Zapatists:  "The  first  time  the  Zapatists  gave  up  their  arms 
and  received  the  money;  after  some  few  days,  they  presented 
themselves  before  authority  in  a  threatening  attitude  and  took 
their  arms  again,  religiously  reserving,  however,  the  money  in 
their  possession ;  there  was  necessity  of  a  new  disbandment,  and 
then  the  Zapatists  gave  up  old  worn-out  machetes  and  flint-lock 
guns,  rusted  and  worn-out,  and  kept  for  a  better  occasion  their 
dynamite  bombs  and  their  splendid  mausers.  A  third  disband- 
ing i  was  necessary  and  when  the  Federal  Government,  now 
wearied  with  treating  with  such  bad  faith,  of  striving  with  such 
notable  perfidy,  dispatched  a  strong  column  of  valiant  and 
devoted  men,  such  as  those  of  our  army  are,  under  orders  of 
General  Huerta;  then  Senor  Madero  appeared  like  the  biblical 
dove  of  the  legend ;  Senor  Madero  said : '  I  will  reduce  these  men 


ZAPATISM  351 

to  order;'  and  Senor  Madero  succeeded  in  delaying  for  fifteen 
days  the  action  of  the  federal  forces,  detaining  the  advance  of 
General  Huerta,  destroying  the  effectiveness  of  action  of  the 
federal  soldiers,  and,  after  tenderly  embracing  that  most  sin- 
cere General  Zapata,  returned  to  Mexico  to  continue  his  excur- 
sions and  his  speeches." 

HUERTA 'S  CAMPAIGN 

The  government  had  really  reached  the  end  of  its  patience 
when  the  Madero  mission  failed.  Huerta  resumed  his  campaign 
in  Morelos  and  made  actual  headway.  Had  he  been  left  a  free 
hand,  and  the  time  of  the  interim  government  been  longer,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  he  might  have  entirely  suppressed  the  diffi- 
culty. While  his  campaign  was  still  in  progress,  Madero 
approached  the  president  interim  with  the  proposition  that  the 
government  should  issue  a  safe  conduct  to  Emiliano  Zapata, 
in  order  that  he  might  go  to  live  in  a  foreign  country.  This 
suggestion  was  refused  by  de  la  Barra.  After  this  failure, 
Madero  sent  his  personal  representative,  Gabriel  Eobles 
Dominguez,  to  Morelos,  where  he  had  many  conferences  with 
Zapata.  It  is  believed  that  it  was  these  conferences  and  certain 
understandings  reached  through  them,  which  led  to  the  unwise 
utterance  of  Salas  that,  three  days  after  Madero  should  take 
upon  himself  the  presidency  of  the  republic,  Zapatism  would 
cease.  However  that  may  be,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  there 
was  really  some  kind  of  understanding  between  Madero  and 
Zapata,  and  that  the  hero  of  the  revolution  anticipated  no 
trouble  with  the  bandit  leader  when  he  should  come  to  power. 

UNDER  THE  MADERO  GOVERNMENT 

In  this,  however,  he  was  misled.  When  Madero  became 
President,  Zapata  still  remained  in  apparent  rebellion.  Plun- 
der, violence,  and  crime  continued.  In  April,  Colonel  Castro 
won  a  victory  indeed  in  the  town  of  Jojutla,  leaving  400 
Zapatists  dead.  But  in  May  all  communication  with  Cuernavaca 
from  Mexico  was  destroyed,  and  all  trains  trying  to  make  the 


352  ZAPATISM 

journey  between  the  two  cities  were  attacked.  J.  Figueroa 
Domenech,  an  admirer  of  Madero  and  partisan  in  his  writings, 
says  in  one  place  in  his  latest  book:  "Zapatism,  yes,  was  the 
blackest  nightmare  of  Senor  Madero  and  the  blame  of  it,  with 
justice  could  be  imputed  to  him  for  not  having  consented  that 
it  should  be  destroyed  during  the  interim  government  of  de  la 
fBarra." 

Even  worse  than  Zapata  himself  seems,  however,  to  be  the 
new  leader,  Genovevo  de  la  0.  In  speaking  of  him  and  his 
cruelties  at  La  Cima  and  Ticoman,  the  author  just  quoted  says : 
"He  could  not  have  had  human  parents-;  he  must  have  been 
born  from  the  union  of  a  rattlesnake  with  a  tarantula ;  in  place 
of  a  heart,  his  breast  must  have  sheltered  a  pouch  full  of  the 
venom  of  his  progenitors. " 

SOURCE  OF  ZAPATISM 

Our  author,  who  is  conservative  in  his  economic  and  social 
views,  enters  into  some  discussion  as  to  why  the  state  of  Morelos 
should  be  cursed  with  such  an  exceptional  population.  He 
ends  his  discussion  with  the  following  words:  "How  is  it  pos- 
sible that,  this  being  (the  Zapatist)  nearer  to  the  anthropoid 
than  to  man,  abounds  so  greatly  in  Morelos  ?  If  the  cause  was 
rooted  only  in  the  atavistic  tendencies  toward  an  inferior  race, 
the  fact  would  be  frequent  in  the  whole  republic,  and  fortu- 
nately it  is  not  so.  The  hot  climate  of  the  region,  its  spontaneous 
wealth  which  incites  its  inhabitants  to  idleness,  the  abundance 
of  money  which  high  wages  supply  and  which  facilitates  the 
great  consumption  of  alcoholic  drinks,  and  above  all,  the  abso- 
lute neglect  under  which  in  those  districts  public  education  lies, 
prepare  the  heart  of  the  people  for  hardening*  itself  easily 
before  the  spectacle  of  blood,  and  arouses  within  it  the  ferocious 
appetite  of  animality."  Morelos  is  a  district  of  great  sugar- 
plantations.  It  is  possible  that,  as  the  author  says,  wages  in 
that  state  are  higher  than  those  generally  in  the  republic.  It  is 
hardly  likely  that  this  abundant  wealth  in  the  hands  of  plantation 
labor  is  a  serious  impulse  in  the  direction  that  he  suggests. 


ZAPATISM  353 

That  there  may  be  a  relation  between  the  great  plantation  with 
its  mass  of  ignorant,  uneducated,  untrained  workers,  and  the 
widespread  dissatisfaction  in  the  state,  seems  possible. 

During  the  interim  government,  de  la  Barra  appointed  a 
land  commission  to  deal  with  the  agrarian  problem.  When 
Madero  was  in  power,  a  similar  commission  continued  its 
operations,  and  perhaps  serious  steps  were  taken  to  investigate 
the  problem  of  lands  for  distribution  and  the  terms  on  which 
such  distribution  might  take  place.  As  President  of  the  Repub- 
lic, he  found  it  much  less  easy  to  make  progress  in  this  direc- 
tion than  it  had  been  to  make  promises  when  leading  revolu- 
tionists in  the  field  of  battle. 

ZAPATISTS  IN  FEBRUARY,    IQIJ 

At  the  very  moment  when  the  bloody  events  of  February, 
1913,  were  culminating,  the  Zapatists  again  appeared  close  to 
the  capital  city.  Again  we  quote  from  Domenech  because  he  is 
a  Maderist  partisan.  He  says : 

"And  finally,  as  if  all  this  were  little  for  the  terrorizing  of 
the  populace,  there  appeared  close  to  the  capital,  2,000  Zapa- 
tists who,  like  jackals,  awaited  the  opportune  moment  for  fall- 
ing upon  the  city  and  looting  it. 

"And  why  did  they  not  fall  upon  the  city?" 

"Repeatedly  we  have  said  that  Zapatism  enclosed  a  secret 
difficult  to  discover,  which  appeared  to  show  some  connection 
or  agreement  between  Zapata  and  Madero.  Perhaps  those 
hordes  who  hung  about  Tlalpam  under  orders  of  the  fierce  and 
sanguinary  Genovevo  de  la  0,  had  orders  to  be  there,  for  no 
other  reason  than  to  cause  terror,  and  perhaps  also  (which  is 
more  probable),  they  did  not  venture  to  enter  the  city  for  fear 
of  the  heavy  guns.  The  bandits  of  Zapata  were  only  good  for 
fighting  from  ambush  among  the  briars  of  the  mountain;  they 
had  no  valor  for  risking  themselves  in  the  streets  of  Mexico." 


354 


ZAPATISM 


GUILTY! 


UNCLE   SAM'S  CHEONIC  STATE.     HUNGEY   FOE  A  NEW  SLICEl 

ANTI-AMERICANISM 

WE   ARE    DIFFERENT WE    DESIRE    TO    IMPROVE    OTHERS THEY   KNOW 

THE    WORLEH — MEXICAN    CITIES CONSULS    AND    DIPLOMATS OUR 

LAND  HUNGER THE  EL  PASO  INCIDENT LATIN-AMERICAN  REVOLU- 
TIONS  TWO  KINDS  OF  REVOLUTIONS EXPLOITATION OUTSPOKEN 

ANTI-AMERICANISM THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE THE  FUNDAMENTAL 

RIGHTS    OF    NATIONS TAFT^S    MOBILIZATION HARD    PRESSED    FOR 

EXPLANATION. 


WHY  do  they  hate 
WE  ARE  DIFFERENT 

Primarily  and  fundamentally  because  they  are  Span- 
ish-Indian, while  we  are  Anglo-Saxon.  Our  characteristics  are 
profoundly  different.  Our  ideas  and  our  ideals  are  different. 

355 


356  ANTI-AMERICANLSM 

Our  ways  of  looking  at  things  are  different.  Our  impulses  are 
different.  Our  languages  are  different.  The  Latin  Americans 
are  artistic,  we  are  not;  they  delight  in  beauty  of  form,  line, 
and  color;  they  have  a  sense  of  proportion;  they  love  har- 
monies. We  do  not.  They  are  graceful  and  demand  grace ;  we 
are  not  graceful  and  are  not  exacting.  They  are  theoretical — 
they  delight  in  the  development  of  finished  systems;  we  are 
practical.  They  are  rhetorical,  delighting  in  metaphors  and 
figures  of  speech;  their  sentences  are  models  of  elegant  com- 
position ;  they  delight  in  hair-splitting  arguments ;  we  are  blunt. 
In  an  ideal  world,  perfect  in  its  construction,  they  would  admire 
us,  and  we  would  admire  them,  because  of  our  difference.  As  it 
is,  we  do  not  live  in  an  ideal  world,  and  difference  is  damnable. 
We  doopise  the. Mexicans  because  they  differ  from  us,  they  hate 
us  because  we  differ  from  them.  On  the  whole,  they  are  far 
more  polite  and  kindly  in  their  toleration  of  our  rudeness  and 
crudity  than  we  are  with  reference  to  their  lack  of  aggressive- 
ness and  up-to-date  development. 

WE  DESIRE  TO  IMPROVE  OTHERS 

They  realize  that  we  are  different;  they  consider  us  most 
disagreeable.  We  assume  and  try  to  demonstrate  that  we  are 
superior.  Our  attitude  toward  them  is  always  critical  and 
instructive.  We  are  loud  in  our  complaints  regarding  them,  and 
that  to  their  faces.  We  cry  out  that  they  are  centuries  behind 
in  their  development;  we  deplore  that  their  natural  resources 
have  been  neglected ;  we  note  the  absence  of  skyscrapers  in  their 
cities;  we  bitterly  complain  because  they  do  not  hustle.  We 
send  them  missionaries ;  we  send  them  tourists.  We  send  them 
some  men  who  have  failed  in  our  country,  for  our  country's 
good.  Failures  though  they  are,  still  they  stand  among  them  as 
representative  Americans  and  undertake  to  change  them.  We 
have  sent  them  quantities  of  adventurers,  who  have  gone  there 
to  show  them  "how  to  do  things."  At  times  these  men  make 
real  success.  More  frequently  they  start  in  with  a  great 
"hurrah,"  and  come  out  with  a  grouch.  Everything  in  Mexican 


ANTI-AMERICANISM  357 

methods  and  ways  of  doing  business  is  a  mistake ;  they  will  intro- 
duce real  American  methods.  For  example,  it  has  always  been 
the  custom  in  Mexico  to  take  a  noon-day  rest — the  siesta.  Amer- 
ican business  men  looked  upon  the  siesta  as  lost  time ;  ' '  These 
lazy  Mexicans, ' '  said  they,  ' '  may  loll  around  and  sleep  at  noon, 
may  close  their  places  of  business ;  but  we  will  hustle,  our  places 
will  remain  open;  we'll  show  them."  Of  course  the  result  was 
dismal  failure.  After  all,  the  business  was  to  be  done  with  Mexi- 
cans, and  if  the  Mexicans  took  their  siesta,  there  was  really  no 
advantage  in  keeping  the  places  open,  with  the  certainty  that 
no  one  would  be  there.  In  a  thousand  ways  American  methods 
of  business  are  ill-adapted  to  Mexican  surroundings;  and  the 
attempt  to  force  them  upon  the  country  and  to  make  the  people 
over  after  a  new  and  improved  fashion  is  folly.  No  other  for- 
eigners who  go  to  Mexico  for  business  ends  feel  called  upon 
to  bring  in  reforms  and  to  introduce  new  modes  of  life  and 
action.  Even  the  English  do  not  do  so.  As  for  the  Germans, 
French,  and  Italians,  they  adapt  themselves,  to  the  conditions 
of  the  country  as  far  as  possible ;  they  adopt  the  local  methods 
of  doing  business.  They  gain  a  larger  return  with  less  output 
of  capital,  force,  and  energy,  with  less  wear  and  tear,  than  we 
do;  arid  between  them  and  the  Mexicans  a  much  better  feeling 
exists  than  between  these  and  ourselves.  Naturally,  because  of 
difference,  all  foreigners  are  looked  upon  with  something  of 
dislike  and  suspicion ;  but  the  difference  in  feeling  between  the 
Mexicans  toward  continental  Europeans  and  burselves  is  very 
marked. 

THEY  KNOW  THE  WORLD 

Their  dislike  toward  us  is  not  due  to  ignorance  of  the  out- 
side world.  Of  course  we  are  here  speaking  of  the  upper  class 
in  Mexican  society.  The  peon,  the  ordinary  mestizo,  and  the 
Indian  know  nothing  of  the  outside  world;  but  the  people  of 
wealth  have  traveled.  It  is  they,  after  all,  who  have  been  in  con- 
trol; in  the  very  nature  of  things  it  is  they  who  will  always 
occupy  the  high  positions  and  come  into  contact  with  us  politi- 


358  ANTI-AMERICANISM 

cally.  These  people  are  educated;  besides  Spanish,  they  know 
French,  or  German,  or  both;  now-a-days  most  of  them  speak 
English.  They  have  culture  and  knowledge  of  social  customs. 
They  have  traveled  and  know  the  life  of  great  cities.  They  are 
familiar  with  Paris  and  London,  Berlin  and  Madrid.  As  a  rule, 
they  do  not  like  New  York,  and  Chicago  only  irritates  and  vexes 
them.  On  the  whole,  for  things  intellectual,  they  look  directly 
to  Paris  for  patterns  and  guidance.  Anything  of  interest  known 
and  developed  in  continental  Europe  they  know,  and  if  they  like 
it,  quickly  introduce  it.  Elegance  and  luxury  have  been  known 
in  Mexico  for  centuries.  The  University  of  Mexico  was  founded 
seventy  years  before  the  Pilgrims  landed  on  Plymouth  Rock; 
how  long  after  that  event  was  Harvard  founded?  The  Bay 
Psalter  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  book  printed  in  what  is 
now  the  area  of  the  United  States;  a  wide  range  of  important 
works,  treating  of  many  subjects,  were  printed  in  Mexico  before 
the  year  1600.  The  City  of  Mexico  was  world-famous  before 
the  attempt  to  settle  Jamestown.  Many  of  the  shops  in  the 
City  of  Mexico  are  beautiful,  and  their  show-windows,  dressed 
with  great  taste,  are  brilliant.  The  display  of  gems  at  La 
Esmeralda  compares  favorably  with  those  of  the  great  jewelers 
of  New  York  City.  The  first  automobile  that  I  personally  saw 
was  not  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  but  on  the  streets  of  Mexico; 
it  was  weeks  later  before  the  first  machine  of  the  kind  made  its 
trial  run  in  my  own  city.  Curiously  enough,  the  new  invention 
did  not  at  first  take  well  with  the  Mexicans;  the  next  time  I 
visited  the  capital  city,  I  did  not  see  a  single  horseless  car- 
riage; shortly  afterwards,  however,  they  again  appeared,  and 
to-day  are  numerous. 

MEXICAN   CITIES 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  Mexicans  prefer  the  cities  of  Europe 
to  our  own.  Their  towns  and  cities  are  patterned  after  those 
of  Spain.  They  are  compactly  built;  there  are  no  vacant  lots; 
the  buildings  are  placed  close  together;  while  the  majority  of 
the  houses  are  low,  generally  no  more  than  a  single  story,  they 


ANTI-AMERICANISM  359 

are  of  even  and  uniform  height;  the  idea  of  streets  on  which 
sky-scrapers,  buildings  of  six  or  eight  stories,  stores  of  two  or 
three  stores,  shanties,  houses,  and  vacant  lots  follow  each  other 
pell  mell  and  without  order,  can  make  no  appeal  to  the  Mexican 's 
idea  of  beauty,  or  urban  conditions.  A  Mexican  town  of  30,000 
people  is  more  of  a  city,  better  developed,  presenting  more 
of  an  actual  urban  plan  than  most  American  cities  of  three 
or  four  times  that  size.  The  cities  of  Mexico  have  always  recog- 
nized the  necessity  of  open  spaces  for  public  gathering.  All  of 
them  have  their  plaza;  all  large  cities  have  their  public  parks 
and  breathing  spaces.  As  regards  civic  decoration,  their  ideas 
are  certainly  better  than  our  own.  Decoration  and  illumination 
of  cities  on  the  occasion  of  public  celebrations  are  notably 
artistic  and  beautiful.  In  public  monuments,  they  far  surpass 
us.  Mexican  cities,  and  even  small  towns,  have  always  had  the* 
custom  of  evening  concerts;  almost  every  plaza  has  its  band- 
stand, and  the  music  furnished  several  evenings  each  week  is  of 
high  quality.  The  point  we  aim  to  make  here  is  that,  if  Mexi- 
cans do  not  like  our  cities,  it  is  not  because  of  their  ignorance 
of  urban  life.  It  is  because  they  prefer  a  different  style  from 
our  own. 

CONSULS  AND  DIPLOMATS 

One  reason  why  the  Mexicans  do  not  love  us  is  that  they  have 
had  small  reason  to  admire  our  official  representatives  among 
them.  While  there  have  been  some  marked  exceptions,  neither 
our  consuls  nor  our  diplomatic  representatives  have  been  high- 
grade  officials.  Our  consular  service  the  world  over  has  been 
a  laughing  stock  and  a  disgrace ;  it  has  been  particularly  bad  in 
Mexico.  We  have  made  great  improvements  the  last  few  years, 
and  our  consular  service  approaches  respectability.  But  for- 
merly we  sent  to  foreign  countries  men  whose  only  claim  to 
appointment  was  political  service  rendered  at  election  time. 
Our  consuls  were  expected  to  develop  trade  relations  and  to 
encourage  'the  growth  of  business  between  these  countries  and 
ourselves ;  our  diplomatic  representatives  were  expected  to  deal 


360 


ANTI-AMERICANISM 


with  delicate  questions  and  to  develop  strong  and  friendly  ties 
between  the  governments.  Yet  men  were  repeatedly  sent  to 
Mexico  who  had  no  preparation  or  natural  qualities  for  filling 
the  office.  Sometimes  they  have  been  men  of  inferior  ability, 
with  no  intelli- 
gence or  social 
training,  and  with 
no  moral  ideals. 
We  have  had  con- 
suls-general whose 
chief  official  busi- 
ness seemed  to 
be  to  introduce 
worthless  but  rich 
Americans  to  the 
seamy  side  of 
Mexican  life,  and 
"to  show  them  the 
town."  We  are  in- 
formed that  one 
consular  officer, 
still  occupying  one 
of  the  most  impor- 
tant positions  in 
the  service,  had  to 
have  the  superin- 
tendent of  schools 
of  his  own  town 
write  his  letter 
of  acceptance  for 
him,  when  he  re- 
ceived his  appointment  from  Washington;  he  has  proved  a  highly 
successful  consul,  apparently  because  all  the  affairs  of  his  office 
have  been  in  the  hands  of  a  painstaking  German  assistant,  for 
whose  engagement,  as  he  was  not  an  American  citizen,  permis- 
sion had  to  be  asked  from  Washington.  The  incompetence  of  our 


TURNING  OUT  FOR  GUARD  DUTY  ALONG 
THE  RIO  GRANDE. 


ANTI- AMERICANISM  361 

representatives  as  officials,  their  lack  of  character  as  men,  their 
scant  mental  endowments  and  poor  education,  and  their  total 
lack  of  refinement  and  social  qualities,  have  done  much  to  make 
the  Mexicans  despise  us.  On  the  whole,  their  official  representa- 
tives in  our  country  have  been  of  much  higher  quality  than  those 
we  have  sent  to  them.  They  have  not  always  been  men  of 
strong  character ;  they  have  feared  us — and  partly  through  fear, 
partly  through  politeness,  have  been  somewhat  yielding  and  sub- 
servient— but  they  have  generally  been  better  diplomats  than 
our  appointees. 

OUB  LAND  HUNGEB 

The  Mexicans  hate  us  because  we  have  deprived  them  of  ter- 
ritory. The  Republic  of  Texas  could  never  have  been  founded 
unless  Americans  had  encouraged  disaffection.  It  would  never 
have  been  founded  had  not  the  interests  of  our  slave  states 
demanded  it.  The  loss  of  Texas  to  Mexico  was  a  serious  blow; 
it  has  always  been  ascribed  to  us.  Mexico  lost  more  than  half 
of  its  territory  to  us  as  the  result  of  the  unfortunate  and  unjust 
war  of  1847.  We  took  advantage  of  her  difficulties ;  at  the  time, 
she  was  rent  by  internal  dissension,  and  four  different  parties 
were  struggling  for  the  mastery.  A  divided  enemy  is  an  easy 
one  to  conquer,  and  the  Mexican  war  was  no  great  credit  to  our 
ability  in  the  military  field.  As  a  fact,  we  wanted  land — again  it 
was  land  for  the  development  of  slavery — we  took  it.  Mexico 
has  not  forgotten,  she  never  will  forget  the  act.  No  wonder 
she  hates  us.  With  this  story  of  past  aggression,  it  is  not 
strange  that  she  suspects  us  in  the  present,  and  with  justice. 
Within  the  last  few  months,  the  Chamizal  matter  has  been  agi- 
tated ;  it  involves  additional  loss  to  Mexico.  The  idea  prevails 
throughout  the  republic,  among  all  who  are  thinking  and  talk- 
ing, that  we  have  eyes  fixed  on  Lower  California,  that  we  are 
encouraging  dissension  and  rebellion  in  the  north.  It  is  believed 
that  we  hope  to  play  again  the  same  part  that  we  played  when 
Texas  pronounced  its  independence.  It  is  feared  that  American 
interests  and  American  influence  are  so  great  in  the  northern 


362  ANTI-AMERICANISM 

range  of  states  that  this  region  may  proclaim  its  independence. 
It  is  well  recognized  that  the  new  republic  would  have  as  short, 
or  even  a  shorter  period  of  existence  than  had  Texas.  Ameri- 
can mines,  American  lumber-camps,  American  grazing  lands, 
American  oil-wells,  they  believe  will  be  the  excuse  for  taking 
over  another  slice  of  territory,  and  reducing  Mexico  to  the  posi- 
tion of  a  Central  American  state  of  little  more  significance  than 
Guatemala. 

THE  EL  PASO  INCIDENT 

How  deep  this  suspicion  of  our  purpose  to  seize  territory  is, 
was  shown  by  the  popular  feeling  at  the  time  when  the  two 
Presidents  met  at  El  Paso.  Probably  the  occasion  was  only  one 
for  the  exchange  of  international  courtesies ;  it  is  unlikely  that 
any  serious  politics  were  involved.  It  is  almost  certain  that  no 
business  of  consequence  was  consummated.  President  Taft 
after  his  experience  as  Governor-General  in  the  Philippines, 
came  back  to  our  country  with  new  ideas  of  state  functions.  A 
Governor-General  of  the  Philippines  is,  on  the  whole,  a  more 
autocratic  and  less  simple  being  than  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  He  is  more  used  to  form  and  ceremony.  He 
has  imbibed  new  ideas  regarding  functions.  He  looks  with  new 
eyes,  tolerantly,  upon  meetings  between  potentates  and  rulers. 
Why  should  we  not  here  in  America  repeat  such  meetings  as 
take  place  with  frequency  between  crowned  heads  in  Europe? 
The  question  was  natural  to  one  who,  as  Governor-General,  had 
ruled  quite  autocratically  over  millions  of  people  in  the  Orient. 
At  all  events,  President  Taft  was  fond  of  the  spectacular;  bril- 
liant functions  dazzled  him;  and  in  the  geographical  nature  of 
things,  the  only  brilliant  functions  in  the  direction  of  meetings 
of  rulers  possible  were  with  Canada  or  Mexico.  To  arrange 
such  a  meeting  with  Mexico  seemed,  on  the  whole,  more  easy  and 
more  satisfactory  than  with  Canada.  Accordingly  the  proposi- 
tion was  made  that  the  two  rulers  should  meet  upon  the  border 
and  exchange  courtesies.  Of  course  there  was  a  difficulty.  The 
constitution  of  Mexico  provides  that  the  President  of  the  Repub- 


ANTI-AMERICANISM  363 

lie  shall  not  absent  himself  from  the  national  territory  during 
the  period  of  his  administration.  To  do  so  might  be  perhaps 
considered  equivalent  to  forfeiting  his  office.  Mr.  Taft  knew 
quite  well  the  constitutional  disability,  but  still  he  urged  the 
meeting.  Don  Porfirio  was  always  anxious  to  please  the  Presi- 
dent of'  the  United  States ;  he  finally  yielded  to  the  influence 
brought  to  bear  upon  him  and  petitioned  congressional  permis- 
sion to  go  to  El  Paso  for  the  meeting.  The  occasion  of  course 
was  splendid.  The  details  were  arranged  with  care.  President 
Diaz,  for  the  first  time  in  many  years,  set  foot  on  our  soil ;  our 
President  visited  Ciudad  Juarez;  there  were  banquets,  toast- 
ings,  flags,  bunting,  cheers,  bands,  commemorative  medals,  and 
picture  postal  cards.  In  fact,  nothing  was  lacking  to  make  the 
affair  a  great  success;  and  our  president's  heart  was  satisfied, 
and  our  people  boasted  of  the  additional  strength  given  to  the 
bond  between  the  two  countries.  But  in  Mexico  there  was  seri- 
ous head-shaking ;  it  may  be  an  example  of  suspicious  ignorance, 
but  there  were  thousands  who  asked  themselves:  "What  can 
have  been  the  motive?  What  business  of  such  importance  had  to 
be  consummated  that  it  was  necessary  for  our  President  to  vio- 
late the  terms  of  our  constitution  and  to  go  from  the  City  of 
Mexico  on  to  American  soil?  What  new  concession  did  he  make 
to  the  United  States?  What  secret  document  was  it  necessary 
for  him  in  person  to  sign?  Who  knows  whether  he  has  not  sold 
a  portion  of  our  territory  to  the  Americans  as  Santa  Anna  did 
years  ago?" 

LATIN-AMEKICAN    REVOLUTIONS 

We  always  think  of  Latin  Americans  as  in  a  state  of  constant 
revolution.  We  do  not  realize  how  many  of  these  outbreaks 
are  fomented  by  outside  interests.  In  1896  I  visited  the  Central 
American  Republic  of  Guatemala,  At  that  time  the  President 
of  the  Eepublic  was  Jose  Maria  Reina  Barrios.  He  was  on  the 
whole  a  good  man  for  the  position.  He  had  of  course  the  bad 
qualities  inherent  in  rulers  where  personal  politics  are  in  vogue. 
He  no  doubt  was  making  money  in  office  and  through  his  office. 


364  ANTI-AMERICANISM 

But  he  was  a  man  of  ideas  and  ideals  and  genuinely  interested  in 
the  advancement  of  his  country.  When  we  reached  the  capital 
city,  the  latest  revolution  had  recently  been  ended.  The  Presi- 
dent had  emerged  from  the  struggle  victorious.  The  incident 
was  still  the  topic  of  common  conversation.  I  was  astonished — 
more,  I  was  humiliated — to  find  that  it  was  commonly,  agreed 
that  the  whole  disturbance  was  due  to  American  interference. 
The  cherished  plan  of  President  Barrios  at  that  moment  was 
the  construction  of  the  Great  Northern  railroad.  Guatemala  had 
but  a  single  railroad  line  in  operation;  it  was  the  Guatemala 
Central,  connecting  the  capital  city  with  the  Pacific  port  of  San 
Jose.  The  proposed  line  in  which  the  president  was  interested 
was  to  connect  the  capital  city  with  Livingston  on  the  Atlantic 
coast.  There  was  no  question  that  its  construction  would  be 
a  great  benefit  to  the  Nation.  It  would  increase  commerce, 
develop  new  industries,  connect  their  republic  more  directly  and 
easily  with  the  outside  world.  But  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship 
Company,  whose  interests  in  Guatemala  were  large  and  almost 
without  competition,  did  not  look  upon  the  project  favorably. 
It  felt  that  the  construction  of  the  new  line  would  affect  its  prof- 
its ;  therefore,  whether  it  would  be  useful  to  the  country  or  not, 
was  a  matter  of  little  consequence;  its  building  must  be  pre- 
vented. For  a  long  time  the  company  had  successfully  fought 
against  the  new  enterprise,  by  bribing  legislators  and  raising 
legal  difficulties.  It  had  been  defeated,  however,  in  this  method 
of  procedure,  and  from  its  point  of  view  the  only  remaining 
hope  was  to  oust  the  President  from  office.  Accordingly  an 
insurrection  was  started,  funds  and  advice  were  supplied.  It  had 
been  a  sharp  and  vigorous  campaign;  it  had  almost  achieved  its 
end.  But  President  Barrios  had  issued  from  the  struggle  vic- 
torious. The  Great  Northern  Eailroad  would  be  pushed  to 
completion  and  opened.  Of  course  in  the  long  run  it  could  do 
no  harm  to  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship  Company.  With  the  in- 
creasing prosperity,  which  its  operation  would  bring  to  the 
Republic,  every  line  of  business  and  development  might  be  ex- 
pected to  increase,  and  the  company  would  receive  a  greater 


ANTI-AMERICANISM  365 

benefit  from  its  share  of  new  business  than  it  would  suffer  loss 
from  diminution  in  the  business,  which  it  had  formerly  con- 
trolled. The  point,  however,  is  that  to  this  great  corporation, 
financed  by  Americans  and  bringing  profit  into  American  pock- 
ets, the  welfare  of  a  nation,  the  continuance  in  power  of  a  good 
ruler,  the  life  and  property  of  individuals — all  counted  for 
nothing.  It  was  ready  to  be  the  agent  for  the  commission  of 
robbery,  murder,  arson,  in  order  to  continue  to  make  profit. 
It  was  my  first  lesson  in  international  politics.  I  have  looked 
at  revolutions  in  Latin  America  since  then,  with  different  eyes. 
I  have  found  many  of  that  same  sort. 

TWO    KINDS    OF   REVOLUTIONS 

There  are  indeed  two  kinds  of  revolutions  in  the  Latin 
American  republics.  Those  that  actually  arise  within  the  re- 
public, growing  out  of  the  political,  social,  and  economic  condi- 
tions, and  those  which  are  fomented  from  without  for  purely 
mercenary  ends  by  exploiting  individuals  or  companies.  The 
former  are  unfortunate,  but  in  countries  where  personal  poli- 
tics prevail,  are  unavoidable,  and  generally  are  based  upon  suffi- 
cient causes  and  are  real  movements  in  the  direction  of  national 
advance  and  progress.  Such  should  be  looked  upon  with  hope, 
arid  under  no  circumstances  should  call  for  interference.  They 
form,  however,  but  a  small  part  of  the  revolutions  of  recent 
years ;  most  of  these  are  directly  due  to  interference  by  foreign 
money  interests.  Such  deserve  no  sympathy  from  without,  the 
interests  involved  should  be  refused  protection  by  the  home 
government.  Such  revolutions,  however,  do  much  of  course  to 
deepen  and  inflame  a  spirit  of  hostility  to  foreigners.  To  such 
revolutions  much  of  the  hatred  toward  ourselves  is  due. 

EXPLOITATION 

Undoubtedly  the  chief  reason  why  the  Mexicans  to-day  hate 
us  is  that  they  feel  and  think  we  are  exploiting  them  and  their 
country.  Everywhere  they  find  American  capital  owning  their 
sources  of  wealth.  They  feel  that,  little  by  little  their  oppor- 


366  ANTI-AMERICANISM 

tunities  have  passed  into  foreign  hands,  and  that  their  resources 
no  longer  remain  their  own.  They  feel  that  they  are  strangers 
in  a  land  which  has  passed  into  the  possession  of  others.  Blindly 
and  ignorantly  they  feel  that  they  have  been  defrauded.  They 
know  that  the  transfer  of  properties  has  been  made  without 
consulting  them.  Those  who  think,  really  believe  that  these 
great  and  valuable  concessions  to  foreigners  were  made  by  a 
band  of  adventurers  who  personally  grew  rich,  without  the  mat- 
ter being  referred  to  them  for  approbation.  They  look,  and 
justly,  upon  the  acts  of  Porfirio  Diaz  and  his  little  clique  of  min- 
isters and  politicians — cientificos—SiS  illegal  frauds.  They 
know  that  they  did  not  elect  the  man  of  iron  to  power;  they 
know  that  he  did  not  represent  them  in  these  transactions; 
they  know  they  have  been  robbed.  But  they  also  know 
that  we  will  fight,  if  need  be,  for  our  *  '  rights. ' '  They  feel  the 
hopelessness  of  it  all,  and  in  that  hopelessness  their  hatred  takes 
deeper  and  deeper  root. 

OUTSPOKEN   ANTI-AMERICANISM 

Anti- Americanism  does  not  often  find  actual  voice.  It  is  a 
reality,  but  it  is  not  always  being  flaunted.  Now  and  then, 
however,  it  shows  itself.  Thus,  in  19 —  the  lynching  in  Texas 
of  a  Mexican  caused  a  great  outburst  of  feeling  in  Mexico. 
Lynchings  in  Texas  are  so  common  that  they  have  long  ceased 
to  cause  any  special  comment  or  feeling  among  ourselves.  But 
those  lynchings  are  of  black  men,  and  we  are  little  likely  to  be 
disturbed  by  such.  It  was  natural,  however,  that  the  reported 
lynching  of  this  Mexican  should  cause  a  deal  of  feeling  in  Mex- 
ico. As  in  other  countries,  the  excitement  voiced  itself  through 
an  outbreak  of  students.  It  was  students  who,  on  the  occasion 
in  question,  paraded  the  streets  and  cried  out  against  Amer- 
icans. Much  was  made  of  it  at  the  time.  It  is  surprising  how 
complacently  we  in  this  country  had  assumed  that  the  Mexicans 
must  naturally  love  us  and  admire  us  beyond  all  other  people 
in  the  world.  That  there  should  be  a  public  demonstration  of 
dislike  toward  us  seemed  a  strange  and  unreasonable  thing. 


ANTI-AMERICANISM  367 

There  were  thousands  of  Americans  of  intelligence  who  were 
actually  surprised  at  the  condition.  But  Anti- Americanism  is 
a  reality  in  Mexico.  Not  only  in  Mexico,  but  throughout  the 
Central  American  Republics  are  we  hated,  thoroughly  hated. 
We  are  hated  in  Venezuela,  in  Columbia,  in  Panama,  in  all  the 
South  American  Republics.  We  are  hated  as  a  people,  we  are 
hated  as  a  nation. 

THE    MONKOE    DOCTKINE 

It  is  time  that  we  knew,  and  that  the  world  should  know, 
just  what  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is.  Americans  do  not  know. 
Test  it  by  asking  two  men,  in  whose  judgment  and  knowledge 
you  have  confidence,  about  it ;  ask  them  when  they  are  together, 
and  then  sit  back  and  listen  to  their  discussion.  Our  Congress- 
men know  no  better  than  the  man  on  the  street.  Our  Depart- 
ment of  State  has  no  definite  idea  as  to  the  Doctrine.  The  na- 
tions of  Europe  would  be  vastly  relieved  to  have  an  actual  defi- 
nition made  of  it.  They  might  not  like  the  definition,  they 
might  not  be  able  to  find  it  in  the  famous  document,  but  it  would 
simplify  their  problems  and  relieve  their  minds  to  have  it  stated. 
So  far  as  Latin  America  is  concerned,  they  hate  the  term.  There 
is  no  question  that,  when  Monroe  promulgated  his  "  doctrine, " 
he  had  in  mind  the  protection  of  the  newly  founded  Latin  Amer- 
ican Republics ;  he  desired  to  encourage  democratic  institutions ; 
he  was  fired  with  ideals  of  liberty.  There  were  perhaps  some 
sordid  suggestions  in  it,  but  these  suggestions  were  not  turned 
against  the  newly  founded  nations.  To-day  Latin  America  con- 
siders the  Monroe  Doctrine  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  notice 
to  the  world  that  the  United  States  proposes  to  exploit  the 
American  continent  lying  south  of  the  Rio  Grande  for  her  own 
benefit,  and  that  she  will  tolerate  no  competition. 

THE   FUNDAMENTAL   EIGHTS   OF    NATIONS 

We  have  recognized  the  independence  of  all  the  Latin  Amer- 
ican Republics.  So  have  the  other  nations  of  the  world.  We 
have  no  more  right  to  interfere  in  their  internal  affairs  and  poli- 


368  ANTI-AMERICANISM 

tics  than  they  have  to  interfere  in  ours.  The  mere  fact  that 
we  are  great,  and  strong,  and  rich,  and  ambitious,  and  grafting, 
enterprising  and  commercial,  gives  us  no  such  rights.  The  Latin 
American  states  today  hate  us  because  they  have  seen  us  re- 
peatedly outrage  this  fundamental  principle.  They  have  seen 
us  dictate  policy,  finance  revolutions,  make  and  unmake  presi- 
dents, interfere  in  battles,  browbeat,  and  threaten.  They  feel 
that  under  cover  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine — theoretically  framed 
for  their  protection — they  are  being  cut  off  from  outside  aid, 
finance,  and  politics,  and  being  held  completely  at  our  mercy. 

TAFT'S  MOBILIZATION 

I  was  in  the  City  of  Mexico  when  President  Taft  mobilized 
a  force  for  the  first  time  on  the  Mexican  border.  The  feeling 
produced  by  that  act  was  extraordinary.  It  was  certainly  a 
mistake  in  policy  which  could  produce  no  good  result.  Proba- 
bly fifty  Mexicans  during  the  day  conversed  with  me  about  it, 
and  asked  its  meaning.  Many  said:  "Does  the  United  States 
really  propose  to  force  war  upon  us!  If  she  does,  notwithstand- 
ing our  weakness  and  the  strong  odds  against  us,  we  will  ac- 
cept her  challenge.  We  will  of  course  be  ultimately  defeated, 
but  we  shall  make  a  strong  defense,  and  it  will  cost  your  people 
time,  money,  and  many  lives  to  gain  the  victory. " 

HARD   PRESSED   FOR   EXPLANATION 

Many  explanations  of  course  have  been  offered  for  Mr.  Taft's 
action,  both  in  Mexico  and  in  this  country.  The  report  went 
out  from  Washington  that  foreign  nations  and  European  powers 
were  looking  to  us  for  the  protection  of  their  interests  and  had 
brought  influence  to  bear  upon  us,  forcing  us  to  take  steps  toward 
filling  our  obligations.  This  is  in  the  highest  degree  unlikely. 
It  was  publicly  stated  in  Mexico  at  the  time  that,  on  the  appear- 
ance of  this  explanation,  the  French  and  German  Ambassadors 
and  the  British  Charge  d 'Affaires  called  upon  President  Diaz 
and  told  him  that  at  the  request  of  their  Governments  they 
wished  to  say  that  the  report  from  Washington  was  a  lie. 


ANTI-AMERICANISM  369 

Whether  this  was  actually  done  may  be  a  question ;  it  is  not  un- 
likely. What  is  certain  is  that  President  Taft  was  deluged 
with  remonstrances  from  Mexico.  It  was  pointed  out  to  him 
that  his  act  had  jeopardized  every  American  interest,  every 
American  life  in  the  republic.  Long  before  effective  steps  could 
be  taken  in  this  country,  American  lives  and  property  might 
easily  be  wiped  out  of  existence.  A  rather  popular  explanation 
on  our  side  of  the  border  was  that  it  might  be  a  suggestive  object 
lesson  to  foreign  nations ;  it  might  be  well  for  other  countries — 
meaning  Japan — to  know  that  we  could  promptly  put  a  military 
force  into  the  field.  The  explanation  was  ludicrous,  especially 
in  view  of  the  difficulty  that  we  found  in  moving  and  maintaining 
a  force  of  twenty  thousand  men  in  good  condition  within  our 
own  territory,  where  we  had  every  means  of  transportation  and 
every  opportunity  for  maintaining  health  and  comfort.  We  can 
only  hope  that  foreign  nations — including  Japan — did  not  too 
closely  follow  the  details  of  the  instructive  object  lesson;  we 
may  be  sure,  however,  that  they  did;  and  know  quite  well  how 
poorly  prepared  we  were  for  putting  forces  in  the  field.  The 
official  announcement  that  the  movement  was  simply  "  manoeu- 
vres "  deceived  no  one.  Our  annual  manoeuvres  had  al- 
ready taken  place,  and  the  funds  appropriated  for  them  had  been 
exhausted.  The  statement  which  finally  seemed  to  be  officially 
made  with  reference  to  the  movement  was  that  it  was  to  more 
strictly  maintain  the  laws  of  neutrality  and  to  prevent  the  pas- 
sage of  arms  and  war  equipment  into  Mexico.  It  is  proba- 
ble that  the  final  conclusion  on  the  part  of  many  Mexicans  was, 
that  the  movement  was  made  at  the  request  of  Porfirio  Diaz. 
It  is  hinted  that  the  old  man,  finding  himself  in  serious  diffi- 
culty, and  facing  ruin,  suggested  the  mobilization  of  forces  along 
our  border  in  the  hope  that  it  would  be  generally  considered  as 
a  threat  of  intervention,  invasion,  war.  It  is  thought  that  in 
the  face  of  such  a  pressing  danger,  points  of  difference  would 
be  overlooked  and  internal  quarrels  forgotten;  that  all  Mexi- 
cans would  unite  against  the  threatening  force ;  and  the  govern- 
ment would  be  enabled  to  reestablish  its  authority,  and  perhaps, 


370 


ANTI-AMERICANISM 


later,  to  retire  more  gracefully  from  the  field  of  struggle.  The 
simplest  assumption,  after  all,  is  that  Mr.  Taft  moved  the 
forces  at  the  dictate  of  Wall  Street — or  rather  with  the  view  of 
protecting  and  aiding  the  large  American  money  interests  in 
Mexico.  It  was,  however,  a  false  move ;  its  folly  was  recognized 
in  time,  and  nothing  further  done.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  cause,  this  threat,  for  threat  it  was,  could  but  increase  the 
feeling  of  hostility  toward  us  already  so  strong  among  the  Mex- 
ican populace. 


FIGHTING  IN  THE  STREETS,  CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 


A    TRIPLE    PLOT THE    FIBST    ATTEMPT THE    SECOND    EFFOKT THE 

THIRD     AND     FINAL     ATTEMPT THE     NINE     DAYS'     BATTLE THE 

AREEST     OF     MADERO MURDER     OF     GUSTAVO     MADERO — OFFICIAL 

REPORT  OF  THE  DEATH  OF   MADERO  AND  PINO  SUAREZ BERNARDO 

REYES ANOTHER  VERSION  OF  THE  BATTLE EFFECT  IN  MEXICO — 

FELIX     DIAZ      MADE     TO      UNDERSTAND MADERO  *S     ERRORS — THE 

QUESTION  OF  RECOGNITION. 

IT  is  strange  that  he  did  not  see  what  was  coming.    Before 
the  middle  of  December,  I  heard  from  a  source  of  excep- 
tionally-tested accuracy  that  the  Diaz  revolution  in  Novem- 
ber was  the  first  of  a  series  of  three  efforts  arranged  at  one 
time  by  one  and  the  same  group  of  conspirators. 

371 


372 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE  373 

A  TKIPLE  PLOT 

If  the  first  effort  failed,  the  second  would  be  made;  if  it 
failed,  the  third  would  be  tried.  The  group  interested  was  the 
old  group,  followers  of  Porfirio  Diaz,  anxious  to  restore  so 
nearly  as  they  could  the  conditions  of  the  past.  If  their  three 
efforts  really  failed,  they  would  resign  themselves  to  the  inevi- 
table, and  conform  to  existing  circumstances. 

THE    FIRST    ATTEMPT 

The  first  attempt  failed  dismally.  It  was  launched  on  Octo- 
ber 16th,  in  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz.  Its  leader  was  Gen.  Felix 
Diaz.  This  man  was  the  nephew  of  the  old  President,  son  of  a 
brother.  He  was  born  in  Oaxaca  in  1867.  When  sixteen  years 
of  age,  he  entered  the  military  college,  pursuing  his  studies  for 
six  years  and  receiving  the  appointment  of  lieutenant.  He  was 
located  for  some  time  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz  in  connection 
with  the  work  of  the  government  Geographical  Exploring  Com- 
mission. In  1898  he  was  chief  of  the  president's  staff,  married 
Isabela  Alcolea  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  was  elected  to  the  House  of 
Deputies,  representing  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz.  In  1902  he  was 
Consul-General  in  Chile.  Three  years  later  he  returned  to  the 
City  of  Mexico  and  resumed  his  duties  as  chief  of  the  presi- 
dent's staff.  For  a  time  he  was  Inspector-General  of  Police. 
He  had  been  raised  from  time  to  time  in  military  rank,  and  at 
the  moment  of  the  Madero  Revolution  bore  the  title  of  General. 
When  Madero 's  difficulties  as  President  were  thickening,  Felix 
Diaz  had  some  aspirations  toward  the  presidency.  He  had 
always  been  a  heavy  burden  for  his  uncle,  who  tried  in  vain  to 
find  some  position  of  consequence  which  he  was  qualified  to 
occupy. 

It  was  well  understood  that  Felix  Diaz  was  ready  to  partici- 
pate in  any  effort  to  remove  Madero.  On  account  of  his  hostile 
attitude,  his  commission  had  been  resigned  and  he  himself 
placed  upon  the  retired  list.  In  accordance  with  the  plan 
already  mentioned,  Felix  Diaz  began  his  revolution  by  seizing 


374  THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 

the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  on  October  16th.  In  his  proclamation  he 
announced  with  pride  that  he  had  captured  that  important  city 
without  the*  firing  of  a  gun ;  he  declared  that  what  the  nation 
needed  was  an  immediate  and  permanent  peace ;  he  named  him- 
self Provisional  President  of  the  Republic  and  announced  that, 
as  soon  as  victory  was  secured,  he  should  order  a  new  election 
and  give  way  to  a  constitutional  ruler.  The  ease  with  which 
the  revolution  was  suppressed  shows  that  Diaz  himself  had 
made  no  serious  preparation;  counting  upon  his  name  and  the 
wealth  and  position  of  his  wife's  friends,  he  believed  the  vic- 
tory already  won.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  betrayed.  It  is 
likely  that  the  President  knew  all  the  details  of  the  plot  before- 
hand. At  all  events,  the  matter  was  promptly  dealt  with,  and 
in  nine  days  after  his  proclamation  the  revolution  came  to  a 
complete  end.  General  Diaz  was  himself  a  prisoner.  A  court- 
martial,  continuing  all  night,  was  held,  and  he  was  condemned 
to  death.  Wisdom  demanded  his  execution,  but  there  was  a 
feeling  that  much  sentiment  would  be  aroused  by  the  outright 
killing  of  one  who  bore  the  name  of  Diaz.  It  was  feared  that  a 
bad  impression  would  be  caused  in  the  United  States  and  in 
foreign  countries.  President  Madero  intervened.  Felix  Diaz, 
instead  of  being  executed,  was  imprisoned  in  the  fortress  of 
San  Juan  Ulua,  in  Vera  Cruz  harbor.  Through  the  influence 
of  Huerta  and  Blanquet,  with  reference  no  doubt  to  the  future 
developments  already  planned,  he  was  transferred  from  there 
to  the  City  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  held  a  prisoner  in  the 
penitentiary. 

THE  SECOND  EFFORT 

If  President  Madero  had  been  informed  so  thoroughly  with 
reference  to  the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz,  it  was  to  be  supposed  that 
he  was  equally  advised  with  reference  to  the  further  plots  of 
the  conspirators.  It  is  probable  that  the  second  attempt  was 
easily  nipped.  It  is  difficult  to  know  the  actual  facts.  It  seems 
probable,  however,  that  the  second  attempt  was  to  have  come 
in  December  and  involved  a  member  of  the  cabinet,  J.  Flores 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 


375 


Magon,  and  the  Ambassador  of  Mexico  at  Washington,  Manuel 
Calero.  Apparently  Orozco  was  to  have  been  the  military 
man  to  carry  out  this  plot.  There  is  much  mystery  in  the  mat- 
ter. J.  Flores  Magon  was  forced  to  resign  from  the  Cabinet; 
Manuel  Calero  was  hastily  recalled  from  Washington  and  Las- 
curain,  head  of  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  went  there 


THE  AMBASSADOR'S  RETURN. 


376 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 


Photographed  by  Underwood  and  Underwood 

FELIX  DIAZ  AND  JOSE  ROMERO. 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE  377 

to  take  his  place.  If,  as  we  believe,  this  Flores  Magon-Calero 
tangle  was  the  second  attempt  of  the  plotters,  it  was  so  easily 
strangled  that  it  is  certain  that  Madero  was  fully  acquainted 
with  the  plan. 

THE   THIKD  AND   FINAL  ATTEMPT 

So  much  the  more  surprising  that  the  third  attempt  seems 
to  have  found  him  unprepared.  It  is  still  fresh  in  the  public 
mind,  and  its  results  still  trouble  us.  It  was  spectacular;  it 
filled  the  world  with  wonder,  astonishment,  horror.  A  nine 
days'  battle  in  a  capital  city,  between  regular  troops,  with 
cannon  and  complete  equipment  of  war !  From  day  to  day  the 
newspapers  were  filled  with  minute  details  of  its  progress. 
Streets  were  barricaded,  assaults  were  made,  and  the  ground 
was  strewn  with  dead  and  wounded.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
narrate  the  incidents  in  detail.  Briefly  stated,  it  may  be  said 
that  on  the  9th  of  February,  1913,  some  of  the  government 
troops  revolted;  they  were  led  by  students  from  the  military 
school  of  Tlalpam.  They  first  went  to  the  penitentiary  where 
they  released  Felix  Diaz  from  prison;  thence  to  the  military 
prison  of  Santiago  where  Bernardo  Eeyes  was  set  at  liberty. 
Up  to  this  time  General  Mondragon  seems  to  have  been  in  charge 
of  the  mutineers,  but  after  the  release  of  the  two  old  generals, 
he  gave  way  to  them.  The  mutinous  forces  divided ;  one  group 
under  Diaz  proceeded  to  the  Ciudadela,  which  was  seized;  the 
other,  under  Bernardo  Reyes,  marched  to  the  great  plaza  and 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  National  Palace.  Preparations 
had  been  made  for  defense,  and  the  surrender  of  the  palace  was 
refused.  In  the  first  encounter,  in  the  early  morning,  before 
the  palace,  General  Reyes  was  shot  in  the  head  and  killed.  It  is 
claimed  that  in  the  effort  of  the  assailants  to  gain  admission  to 
the  palace  courtyard,  several  cadets  were  caught  and  shot, 
among  them  being  a  son  of  General  Blanquet.  It  is  also  stated 
that,  when  the  colonel  leading  the  cadets  found  that  resistance 
was  offered,  he  ordered  a  retreat  and  was  shot  by  them. 


378  THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 

THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 

President  Madero,  hearing  the  noise  of  battle,  came  from 
Chapultepec  to  the  center  of  the  city  on  horseback.  He  was 
accompanied  by  General  Huerta,  chief  of  his  army.  With  them 
were  some  loyal  forces — cadets  from  the  Chapultepec  military 
school  and  rurales.  During  the  day  four  engagements  took 
place,  the  most  serious  one  being  before  the  palace.  The  plaza 
was  strewn  with  the  bodies  of  men  and  horses.  Recognizing 
the  seriousness  of  conditions,  the  President  declared  martial 
law.  Villar,  who  had  been  in  charge  of  the  protecting  forces 
at  the  palace,  being  wounded,  General  Huerta  was  put  in  direct 
charge  of  the  defense.  Vigorous  fighting  began  again  after 
the  lull  of  a  day  or  two,  and  then  firing  was  practically  continu- 
ous until  the  18th  of  February.  Repeatedly  Huerta  urged  the 
President  to  resign.  It  is  said  that  Madero  paid  him  ten  thou- 
sand dollars  a  day  for  his  services,  and  promised  him  a  hun- 
dred thousand  on  the  occasion  of  the  capture  of  the  arsenal. 
He  made  desperate  efforts  to  secure  reinforcements  from  out- 
side. Messages  were  sent  to  Rabago,  who,  in  the  north,  was 
fighting  with  Orozco,  to  send  three  thousand  men;  but  the 
demand  was  refused.  General  Blanquet  at  Pachuca  refused  to 
come  in,  saying  that  "his  men  could  not  be  trusted."  When  he 
did  come  and  camp  outside  the  city,  it  is  said  that  many  of  his 
officers  went  to  the  arsenal  and  stayed  there  with  Diaz. 

THE   ARREST   OF   MADERO 

On  February  18,  General  Blanquet  appeared  before  the  Palace. 
His  officers  and  force  gained  entrance  to  the  Palace,  and  the 
President  was  arrested.  He  was  sitting  with  his  Cabinet.  The 
officer  said:  "You  are  under  arrest."  President  Madero,  under 
great  excitement,  replied:  "You  have  no  right  to  address  the 
President  of  the  Republic  in  that  manner.  I  command  you  to 
cry,  *  Long  live  the  President  of  the  Mexican  Republic ! '  The 
officer  and  soldiers  did  so,  but  he  repeated:  "You  are  under 
arrest. ' '  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  armed  with  pistols, 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE  379 

and  some  soldiers  were  shot  down.  Madero  himself  escaped 
from  the  room,  but  on  reaching  the  floor  below,  found  Huerta, 
Blanquet,  and  Colonel  Kivarola  there.  They  surrounded  him, 
and  Colonel  Eivarola  said:  "You  are  under  arrest, "  whereupon 
Madero  shot  and  killed  him.  Turning  to  Huerta  and  tearing 
open  his  coat  to  expose  his  breast,  he  said  to  him:  "Kill  me,  my 
general ;  I  will  die  President  of  Mexico. "  Huerta  refused  to  kill 
him,  but  declared  him  under  arrest,  and  he,  together  with  Vice- 
President  Pino  Suarez,  was  confined  in  a  room  in  the  Palace. 

MURDER   OF    GUSTAVO    MADERO 

That  same  afternoon  friends  were  drinking  with  Gustavo 
Madero  at  the  famous  Gambrinus  saloon.  After  Gustavo  had 
paid  the  reckoning,  an  officer  brought  in  some  soldiers  and 
arrested  him.  It  is  said  that  he  was  kept  in  a  cloak-room  of  the 
saloon,  after  being  tied,  until  night,  when  he  was  taken  to  the 
Ciudadela  and  killed. 

When  the  report  of  these  occurrences  reached  the  outside 
world,  natural  solicitude  was  felt  lest  President  Madero  him- 
self should  be  summarily  executed.  Secretary  Knox  telegraphed 
to  Huerta  about  the  matter  and  received  assurance  from  him  that 
no  summary  execution  would  be  permitted.  After  being  held 
for  some  time  incommunicado  in  the  Palace,  it  is  said  that  the 
two  prisoners  were  ordered  to  be  removed  to  the  penitentiary 
as  a  place  of  greater  security. 

THE  OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  MADERO  AND  PINO  SUAREZ 

The  official  statement  runs  as  follows:  "Madero  and  Pino 
Suarez,  who  have  been  detained  at  the  Palace  at  the  disposition 
of  the  War  Department,  were  taken  to  the  penitentiary  in  accord- 
ance with  a  previous  decision,  as  the  result  of  which  the  same  was 
placed  yesterday  afternoon  under  the  charge  of  an  army  officer 
for  its  better  security. 

When  the  automobiles  had  traversed  about  two-thirds  of 
the  way  to  the  penitentiary,  however,  they  were  attacked  by  an 


380 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE  381 

armed  group,  and  the  escorts  descended  from  the  machines  to 
offer  resistance.  Suddenly  the  group  grew  larger,  and  the  pris- 
oners tried  to  escape. 

An  exchange  of  shots  then  took  place,  in  which  two  of  the 
attacking  party  were  killed  and  two  wounded.  Both  prisoners 
were  killed.  The  automobiles  were  badly  damaged. 

The  President  and  his  Cabinet  have  resolved  that  the  affair 
shall  be  consigned  to  the  military  judicial  authorities,  having  to 
do  with  the  attempts  against  military  prisoners,  such  as  were 
Madero  and  Pino  Suarez,  so  that  they  may  make  a  strict  investi- 
gation with  the  direct  intervention  of  the  Military  Prosecutor- 
General. 

The  Government  promises  that  society  shall  be  fully  satis- 
fied as  to  the  facts  in  the  case.  The  commanders  of  the  escort  are 
now  under  arrest,  and  the  facts  above  recorded  have  been  ascer- 
tained so  as  to  clear  up  this  unhappy  event,  however  incompre- 
hensible it  may  be  under  the  present  sad  circumstances. " 

BERNARDO   KEYES 

The  death  of  Reyes  seems  particularly  sad.  His  was  a  career 
that  might  have  been  glorious.  Twice  during  his  life  he  missed 
the  chance  to  gain  high  position  and  perhaps  to  do  his  people 
good.  We  say  "perhaps"  because  he  always  seems  to  have 
fallen  just  short  of  accomplishing  what  might  be  expected  of 
him.  His  own  revolution  of  December,  1.911,  was  a  complete 
failure.  It  is  whispered  that  he  was  betrayed.  Perhaps  so ;  but 
his  period  of  glory  had  passed,  and  he  actually  had  no  following. 

ANOTHER  VERSION    OF   THE   BATTLE 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  nine  days'  battle  in  its  simplest 
form.  There  are  other  versions.  All  of  these  perhaps  agree  in 
the  belief  that  Madero  and  Pino  Suarez  were  murdered  in  cold 
blood.  They  were  dead  men  before  their  bodies  were  put  into 
the  automobiles  for  transfer  from  the  Palace  to  the  penitentiary. 
There  are  even  stories  that  the  whole  nine  days'  battle  is  a 


382  THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 

fiction ;  that  it  was  a  spectacular  performance  only,  carried  out 
to  blind  and  deceive,  in  fulfillment  of  a  most  carefully  developed 
plot.  This  view  is  stated  clearly  in  an  interesting  article  by 
* '  Observer. ' '  According  to  him,  the  whole  matter  was  arranged 
by  the  three  military  leaders,  Huerta,  Mondragon,  and  Blanquet. 
The  jailors  at  the  penitentiary  and  Santiago  and  the  cadets  of 
Tlapam  were  co-conspirators  with  them,  though  informed  only 
of  those  portions  of  the  plot  which  it  was  judicious  for  them  to 
know.  From  the  first,  Reyes  was  marked  for  death.  There  was 
no  actual  battle ;  out  of  three  thousand  persons  killed  during  the 
nine  days'  cannonading,  only  eight  hundred  were  soldiers — and 
those  were  chiefly  faithful  rurales,  devoted  to  Madero,  who  had 
to  be  got  rid  of.  The  rest  of  the  dead  were  non-combatants- 
men,  women,  and  children  on  the  street.  During  the  apparent 
conflict,  3,000  rounds  were  fired  by  cannon  at  the  Ciudadela, 
and  it  was  hit  only  eleven  times.  Madero  was  practically 
a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  Huerta,  from  the  hour  he  entered  the 
Palace.  Reyes  was  killed,  not  by  defenders  of  the  Palace,  but 
by  armed  men  stationed  ready  for  the  deed.  If  this  story  is 
reliable,  the  only  point  of  the  whole  plot  that  went  awry  was  in 
connection  with  the  first  attack  upon  the  Palace.  It  seems  that 
the  soldiers  within  were  actually  loyal,  and  that  the  killing  of 
Blanquet 's  son  and  the  difficulty  in  entering  the  Palace  were  not 
foreseen.  According  to  "  Observer, "  Madero  and  Pino  Suarez 
were  killed  in  the  palace  room  where  they  were  confined,  by  a 
Captain  Cardenas.  Madero  was  twice  stabbed  in  the  back  and 
shot  in  the  back  of  the  head.  Pino  Suarez  was  shot  twelve  times. 
Cardenas  was  made  major  as  a  return  for  his  performance.  In 
his  version,  "  Observer "  implicates  the  American  ambassador. 
He  gives  the  impression  that  Mr.  Wilson  knew  the  whole  plan, 
and  gave  his  approval  to  it.  He  suggests  that  there  was  money 
compensation  in  his  complaisance. 

EFFECT   ON    MEXICO 

Whether  "  Observer  V  story  is  to  be  accepted  in  toto  or  not, 
it  much  better  harmonizes  with  the  facts  in  evidence  than  the 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE  383 

simple  story  commonly  accepted.  It  was  a  dreadful  tragedy; 
even  Mexico,  accustomed  to  horrors,  was  shocked.  Madero,  ni>t- 
withstanding  his  faults,  was  truly  loved  by  the  common  people. 
It  is  said  that  at  the  spot  where  the  official  version  declares  that 
he  was  killed,  there  was  erected  a  little  heap  of  stones  with  a 
cross,  and  that  candles  were  burned  there  by  the  poor  and  com- 
mon folk,  in  honor  of  their  leader. 

It  was  the  first  occasion  in  the  history  of  Mexico  when  a  presi- 
dent has  been  assassinated.  Many  and  many  a  time  Mexicans 
have  said  to  me,  "We  are  not  like  the  Americans;  we  do  not 
kill  our  presidents/'  They  believe,  it  may  be  said  in  passing, 
that  we  have  killed  five  presidents,  not  three.  This  belief  is 
not  unknown  in  other  parts  of  Latin  America  and  in  some 
European  countries.  * 

FELIX   DIAZ   MADE   TO   UNDEKSTAND 

' '  Observer ' '  says  that  Felix  Diaz,  when  he  found  himself  in 
charge  of  forces  and  the  Ciudadela,  and  waging  an  apparently 
splendid  battle  against  great  odds,  lost  his  head ;  he  decided  that 
he  should  be  the  leader  of  the  national  army  and  the  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  After  a  conference  with  Huerta,  Blanquet, 
and  Mondragon,  he  realized  the  true  state  of  matters.  They 
gave  him  clearly  to  understand  that  there  was  no  room  for  his 
ambition.  He  might  give  up  all  such  pretensions  or  else  prepare 
for  a  genuine  attack  and  the  capture  of  the  arsenal.  He  took 
his  lesson.  With  the  victory  of  the  conspiracy  Huerta  was  to  be 
president,  Mondragon,  minister  of  war,  and  Blanquet,  head  of 
the  army.  Nothing  was  done  for  Felix  Diaz;  nothing  was 
intended.  Many  strange  things  occur  in  politics,  especially  in 
Mexico;  but  the  course  of  Felix  Diaz  is  surely  run.  He  has 
nothing  behind  him,  nothing  under  him,  to  warrant  future  expec- 
tations. Men  who  "come  back"  must  really  have  had  a  follow- 
ing and  made  achievement.  Characteristic  of  the  man  and  fright- 
fully indicative  of  personal  politics  rife  in  Mexico,  was  the  tele- 


384 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 


THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE  385 

gram  which  he  sent  to  Porfirio  Diaz  in  Paris  on  the  death  of 
President  Madero.  He  congratulated  him  that  he  had  been 
avenged.  For  men  like  Felix  Diaz,  the  whole  great  drama  of  the 
past  three  years  was  merely  personal  in  its  bearings.  Such  as 
he  see  no  meaning,  no  lesson,  in  events.  For  him  Francisco  I. 
Madero  was  merely  a  personal  enemy  well  got  rid  of. 


Thus  ended  the  dreamer,  the  idealist.  There  is  no  question  of 
Madero 's  earnestness,  good  disposition,  and  devotion  to  the 
cause  which  for  the  moment  had  his  sympathies.  But  wherever 
personal  politics  prevail,  success  goes  to  the  head.  Porfirio  Diaz, 
in  1872,  was  fighting  for  effective  suffrage,  and  his  battle-cry  was 
"No  reelection."  He  too  fought  the  battle  of  the  common  people. 
Yet,  when  he  gained  the  victory,  he  forgot  all,  and,  intoxicated 
with  glory  and  power,  as  a  man  of  iron  held  himself  and  his 
friends  in  power.  Madero  did  the  same ;  and  perhaps  if  he  had 
lived,  he  would  have  rivaled  the  great  dictator  in  his  ability  to 
forget  duty  and  pledges.  We  say  "perhaps"  because,  after  all, 
things  are  not  the  same  today  as  they  were  in  1876.  The  common 
people  in  Mexico  are  thinking ;  a  middle  class  is  rising. 

With  Huerta  the  old  crowd  was  in  the  saddle.  It  appeared 
as  if  all  the  bloodshed  and  the  struggle  of  the  past  three  years 
had  gone  for  naught. 


THE    QUESTION    OF   KECOGNITION 

What  was  our  duty  in  the  matter  ?  Could  we  recognize  a  mur- 
derer, his  hands  dripping  with  blood?  Could  we  have  dealings 
with  a  monster  of  treachery  who  forgot  personal  and  official 
obligations?  The  question  was  serious.  On  February  25,  1913, 
Ambassador  Wilson,  the  man  who  hoped  that  Mexican  youth 
would  learn  a  lesson  of  high  patriotism  from  the  presence  of  a 
monument  to  Washington  in  the  City  of  Mexico — sent  the  fol- 
lowing message  to  our  Government : 

"In  the  absence  of  other  reliable  information,  I  am  disposed 


386  THE  NINE  DAYS'  BATTLE 

to  accept  the  Government  version  of  the  affair  in  which  the 
ex-President  and  ex-Vice-President  lost  their  lives.  Certainly 
the  violent  deaths  of  these  persons  were  without  Government 
approval,  and  if  the  deaths  were  the  result  of  a  plot,  it  was  of 
restricted  character  and  unknown  to  the  higher  officers  of  the 
Government.  Mexican  public  opinion  has  accepted  this  view  of 
the  affair,  and  is  not  at  all  excited.  The  present  Government 
appears  to  be  revealing  marked  evidence  of  activity,  firmness, 
and  prudence,  and  adhesion  to  it,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
ascertain,  is  general  throughout  the  Republic,  indicating  the  early 
re-establishment  of  peace.  The  Government  as  constituted  is 
very  friendly  to  the  United  States  and  is  desirous  of  offering 
effective  protection  to  all  foreigners.  For  the  present,  American 
public  opinion  should  deal  with  the  situation  calmly  and  accept 
with  great  reserve  the  lurid  and  highly  colored  stories  which  are 
being  furnished  by  a  few  correspondents.  The  great  majority 
of  the  correspondents  here  are  trying  to  deal  fairly  with  the 
situation. ' ' 

John  Basset  Moore  quotes  the  utterance  of  Franklin  Pierce 
in  1856:  "It  is  the  established  policy  of  the  United  States  to 
recognize  all  governments  without  question  of  their  source  or 
organization,  or  of  the  means  by  which  the  governing  persons 
attained  their  power,  provided  there  be  a  Government  de  facto 
accepted  by  the  people  of  the  country. " 

We  might  well  hesitate.  Huerta  was  no  great  popular  hero ; 
his  deed  had  shocked  the  people  deeply ;  perhaps  it  had  terrified 
and  cowed  them  also.  But  retribution  would  have  come  soon; 
he  would  have  died,  as  his  victim  did,  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin, 
or  he  would  have  been  hurled  from  power  by  a  popular  uprising. 
To  not  have  recognized — in  simple  silence — would  have 
aided  the  natural  course  of  his  elimination ;  it  would  have  weak- 
ened him  in  his  position,  it  would  have  strengthened  the  feeling  of 
hostility  against  him. 


]&EXICAN  AEMY  OFFICERS. 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


THE  CRISIS  IN  MADERO  S  RULE HUERTA  S  WORK COST  OF  THE  NINE 

DAYS'     BATTLE TWO     RESULTS REVOLUTION     IN     THE     NORTH 

CARRANZA  AND  VILLA NORTH  VERSUS   SOUTH ATTITUDE   OF  THE 

UNITED     STATES MR.      WILSON 's      STATEMENT GOOD      OFFICES 

JOHN    LINDAS    MISSION THE    DEMANDS REPLY    OF    MEXICO AN 

EXODUS       ORDERED HUERTA  *S       COUP       D*ETAT SHUTTING       OFF 

RESOURCES MYSTERY   OF   PASS    CHRISTIAN HALE   AND   CARRANZA 

THE   PRESENT   STATUS. 

WE  HAVE  already  indicated  that  the  army  was  a  danger 
to  Madero.     In  his  famous  book  he  speaks  strongly 
about  militarism  and  its  dangers;  he  was  not  himself 
a  soldier — he  regularly  lost  engagements  where  he  tried  to  lead ; 
from    the    beginning   he    distrusted   the    whole    federal    army 
organization.    De  la  Barra  had  found  it  wise  to  treat  the  army 

387 


388 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


Copyrighted  by  Uuderwood  and  Uuderwood 

VICTORIANO  HUERTA. 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  389 

with  conciliation  and  respect.  Madero  for  some  time  after  his 
accession  to  power,  pursued  the  opposite  policy.  It  chafed  him 
that  he,  as  president,  must  depend  upon  the  military  arm.  It 
will  be  remembered,  too,  that  the  army  upon  which  he  must 
depend  was  the  same  army  against  which  he  himself  had  fought. 
He  could  not  forget  that,  nor  could  the  soldiers.  In  this  deli- 
cate situation  it  would  have  been  wise  for  him  to  try  to  gain 
the  affection  and  sympathy  of  officers  and  men.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  insisted  on  placing  new  and  untrained  men  in  high 
positions;  some  of  his  raw,  undisciplined  guerrilla  leaders, 
under  the  new  order  outranked  officers  who  had  been  carefully 
trained  in  theory  and  practice,  and  who  knew  the  rules  of 
warfare  and  of  precedence. 

THE   CRISIS  IN   MADERO  JS  EULE 

By  December,  1912,  the  weakness  of  Madero 's  government 
was  clear  to  all.  He  had  cut  loose  from  his  original  helpers  and 
advisers;  he  had  continued  many  of  the  old  regime  in  power; 
he  was  repeating  most  of  the  flagrant  errors  of  Porfirio  Diaz ; 
he  had  practically  betrayed  every  principle  of  his  own  Plan  of 
San  Luis  Potosi;  he  had  surrounded  himself  with  unwise  ad- 
visers and  was  particularly  pliant  to  the  wishes  of  his  brother 
Gustavo  and  his  Vice-President  Pino  Suarez.  His  cabinet  was 
causing  him  serious  trouble  and  he  was  compelled  to  dismiss 
Flores  Magon.  At  the  same  time  he  was  forced  to  summon 
Manuel  Calero  from  Washington,  deposing  him  from  the  posi- 
tion of  ambassador.  There  is  no  doubt  that  these  two  men, 
shrewd  and  unscrupulous,  were  plotting  against  the  president. 
He  seems  to  have  recognized  the  fact  in  time.  It  was  unfortunate 
that  the  fact  of  Japan  still  being  in  mourning  for  its  dead 
emperor,  prevented  Gustavo  Madero 's  leaving  Mexico  at  that 
time.  His  appointment  was  politic,  and  his  leaving  would  have 
been  a  real  relief  to  the  tension  of  the  moment.  His  not  leaving 
increased  the  strain.  General  Mondragon  at  this  time  already 
had  his  plot,  which  later  met  with  full  success,  practically 
developed. 


390  HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


HUERTA 's  WORK 


During  the  interim  government  of  de  la  Barra,  General 
Huerta  proved  his  loyalty  repeatedly.  It  was,  however,  during 
that  period  that  Madero  gaye  the  old  army  leader  real  cause  for 
hatred.  Zapata  and  his  bandits  were  devastating  Morelos. 
President  de  la  Barra  ordered  Huerta  to  take  the  field  and  sup- 
press the  outbreak.  He  would  no  doubt  have  done  it  with  suc- 
cess, but  Madero  interfered,  begging  permission  to  use  his  in- 
fluence with  the  rebel  leader.  Zapata  fooled  him.  The  govern- 
ment was  put  to  heavy  expense,  delay,  and  increased  difficulty 
by  his  meddling.  Later  on,  when  left  an  actually  free  hand, 
Huerta  proved  his  ability  to  cope  successfully  with  the  problem. 
Had  he  not  been  interfered  with,  Zapatism  would  have  ceased 
to  be  a  scourge  in  Mexico. 

When  Madero  himself  came  to  power,  it  was  on  Huerta  that 
he  must  depend  for  suppressing  the  revolution  of  Orozco  in  the 
north.  Among  the  old  leaders  who  had  aided  Madero  in  his 
revolution  two  were  from  the  north.  They  were  Pascual  Orozco 
and  Francisco  Villa.  Between  the  two  there  arose  a  personal 
hostility.  Later  on,  when  Orozco  rose  in  revolution  against 
Madero,  Villa  remained  loyal.  Orozco  was  always  afraid  of 
Villa  and  rarely  went  himself  in  person  against  him.  Villa  was 
brave  and  popular  as  leader.  He  was  a  bandit  by  instinct  and 
by  practice.  When  Huerta  took  the  field  against  Orozco  he 
laid  out  a  definite  plan  of  campaign.  He  carried  it  out  in  detail 
and  was  entirely  successful.  When  Huerta  reached  Jimenez 
and  established  headquarters  at  that  place,  Villa  came  to  him 
from  Parral,  where  he  had  been  operating.  At  the  same  time 
citizens  from  Parral  came  to  Huerta  to  complain  of  the  treat- 
ment they  had  suffered  at  Villa's  hands.  They  claimed  that  he 
had  made  a  forced  loan  of  280,000  pesos.  General  Huerta 
ordered  him  to  restore  this  sum  of  money,  and  to  go  with  his 
soldiers  to  reenforce  Eabago.  Villa,  unaccustomed  to  take 
orders,  disobeyed  the  general-in-chief  in  both  matters  and 
showed  a  threatening  disposition  to  interfere  with  his  plan  of 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  391 

action.  As  was  proper  and  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of 
war,  Huerta  ordered  him  to  be  made  prisoner  and  executed. 
Huerta  yielded,  however,  to  the  request  of  Colonel  Navarrete 
and  the  petition  of  Villa  himself,  and  sent  the  mutinous  guerrilla 
leader  to  Mexico  for  trial.  There  he  was  placed  in  prison  and 
should  have  paid  the  penalty  of  his  disobedience.  He  escaped 
and  it  was  well  understood  that  the  President  himself  connived 
in  the  affair.  In  fact,  Villa  more  than  once  thereafter  boasted 
that  he  had  escaped  on  account  of  Madero 's  friendship.  It  is 
not  strange  that  Huerta  despised  and  hated  his  employer,  who 
set  him  difficult  tasks,  and  then  threw  every  difficulty  in  the  way 
of  executing  them. 

COST   OF  THE   NINE   DAYS'   BATTLE 

• 

These  are  only  some  of  the  many  sources  of  irritation  which 
produced  dislike  and  hatred  between  two  men,  who  from  their 
positions  should  be  friends.  The  nine  days'  battle  in  Mexico 
came  on.  "Whatever  may  be  its  inner  history,  its  cost  was 
hideous.  "One  thousand  five  hundred  dead,  five  thousand 
wounded;  fifty  buildings  damaged;  the  military  prison  of  San- 
tiago with  all  its  attached  constructions  destroyed  by  fire;  the 
general  prison  of  Belem  ruined  and  the  court  rooms  which  were 
in  it  totally  destroyed  and  sacked ;  the  electric  installations  of 
light,  telephones  and  tramways  put  out  of  service,  dead,  smok- 
ing rubbish,  ruin  everywhere,  and  40,000,000  pesos  in  material 
losses. "  As  the  result  of  it  Madero  fell,  and  Huerta  came  to 
power.  It  may  be  well  enough  to  state  the  exact  constitu- 
tionality of  his  induction  into  office. 

Congress  received  and  accepted  the  resignations  of  Presi- 
dent Madero  and  Vice-President  Pino  Suarez.  It  called  Pedro 
Lascurain,  Minister  of  Foreign  Eelations,  to  the  position  of 
interim  president;  this  was  in  accordance  with  constitutional 
practice.  Lascurain  was  at  once  sworn  into  office.  The  presid- 
ing officer  then  declared  the  Congress  closed  and  the  session  of 
the  House  having1  been  again  called,  a  report  was  read  from  the 
sub-Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  which  he  stated  that  the 


392 


HUEETA— AND  WILSON 


FRANCISCO  VILLA. 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


393 


VENUSTIANO  CARKANZA. 


394  HUERTA— AND  WILSON 

interim  president  had  named  General  Victoriano  Huerta,  Min- 
ister of  Gobernacion.  A  half  hour  later  Lascurain  presented 
his  resignation  of  the  charge  which  had  been  given  to  him;  his 
resignation  was  accepted,  and  Congress  at  once  named  in  his 
place,  in  accordance  with  the  law,  General  Huerta.  It  is  very 
interesting  to  notice  in  this  moment  of  excitement  and  disorder 
the  cautious  care  taken  to  actually  meet  the  legal  requirements 
in  the  case. 

TWO  RESULTS 

Kesults  of  the  assumption  of  power  by  Huerta  and  the  mur- 
der of  Madero  and  Pino  Suarez  were  quick  in  showing  them- 
selves. They  were  first,  a  rising  in  the  north,  and,  second,  the 
development  and  application  of  a  definite  policy  upon  the  part 
of  the  United  States. 

REVOLUTION  IN  THE  NORTH 

For  a  moment  the  nation  was  stunned  by  the  spectacular 
battle  in  the  city,  the  seizure  of  power  by  Huerta  and  the  murder 
of  Madero  and  Pino  Suarez.  It  looked  as  if  the  plotters  would 
have  no  trouble,  but  very  soon  there  was  revolution  in  the 
north.  The  two  chief  leaders  associated  with  it  have  been 
Venustiano  Carranza  and  Francisco  Villa.  Both  were  asso- 
ciated with  Madero  in  his  revolution  of  1910.  Carranza  in  a 
sense  may  be  considered  the  beginning  of  that  revolution,  as 
it  was  his  unsuccessful  running  for  the  position  of  Governor  of 
Coahuila  which  began  the  contest.  He  was  a  member  of 
Madero  *s  cabinet  when  he  was  provisional  president  at  Juarez. 
After  the  revolution  he  was  Governor  of  Coahuila  at  first  pro- 
visionally imposed  by  Madero  during  the  interim,  and  later  con- 
stitutional governor  by  election.  Carranza  and  Villa  took  the 
field  against  the  new  government,  calling  themselves  constitu- 
tionalists, and  aiming  first  at  the  avenging  of  the  death  of  their 
old  leader,  and,  second,  the  restoration  of  constitutional  gov- 
ernment. They  have  ever  since  been  in  the  field  and  have  gained 
victory  after  victory,  until  practically  the  whole  north  of  Mexico 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  395 

is  in  their  power.  In  connection  with  their  struggle,  there  have 
been  many  border  battles,  and  hundreds  of  refugees,  citizens 
and  federal  soldiers,  have  been  forced  across  the  boundary  line 
to  take  refuge  in  our  country.  When  these  refugees  have  been 
soldiers,  they  have  been  disarmed  and  quartered  by  orders  of 
our  government.  The  charges  to  which  we  go  in  supporting 
them  in  the  temporary  camps  established  under  the  control  of 
our  soldiery  will  ultimately  form  a  proper  claim  against  the 
government  of  Mexico. 

CARRANZA  AND  VILLA 

Carranza  has  shown  himself  somewhat  of  a  leader.  He  is 
primarily  a  theorizer  rather  than  a  practical  man  of  affairs. 
He  has,  however,  shown  fair  powers  of  organization  and  con- 
trol. Interviews  with  him  have  from  time  to  time  been  printed 
which  indicate  that  he  is  thirsting  for  revenge.  Revenge  first 
for  the  death  of  the  fallen  leader;  and  second,  that  revenge 
which  is  natural  to  military  leaders  after  victory.  He  has  made 
his  list  of  the  proscribed;  individuals  whom  he  announces  will 
be  pitilessly  executed  the  moment  that  he  is  in  power  in  Mexico. 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  there  have  already  been  differ- 
ences of  opinion  between  Villa  and  Carranza.  Of  the  two,  Villa 
is  the  stronger  character.  Should  Carranza  ever  come  to  power 
and  Villa  remain  in  life,  it  is  to  be  expected  that  the  story  of 
Madero-Huerta  will  be  repeated.  Villa  has  tasted  power.  He 
thirsts  for  more ;  brooking  no  authority,  undisciplined,  he  would 
think  as  little  of  removing  his  present  leader  as  of  shooting 
scores  of  defenseless  federal  prisoners  at  Juarez.  Our  news- 
papers have  recently  contained  much  interesting  matter  regard- 
ing the  practical  socialism  of  the  bandit  leader  in  Chihuahua. 
He  has  seized  all  sorts  of  private  property,  institutions,  public 
utilities  and  operates  them  by  his  individual  will  for  so-called 
public  benefit. 

NORTH  VERSUS  SOUTH 

One  of  the  most  interesting  recent  articles  on  Mexican  affairs 
in  an  American  journal  emphasizes  the  feeling  between  the 


396 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


Photograph,  Underwood  and  Underwood 

A  GROUP  OF  CONSTITUTIONALIST  SOLDIEKS. 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  397 

north  and  south  of  Mexico.  Its  writer  claims  that  the  progress- 
ive awakening  consciousness,  struggling  toward  improvement, 
is  confined  to  the  north.  He  considers  that  Madero's  fall  was 
due  to  the  fact  of  his  being  a  northern  man,  placed  in  power  in 
the  City  of  Mexico.  The  thought  of  the  author  deserves  consid- 
eration, but  he  overstates  it.  It  is  not  true  that  the  common 
people  in  the  City  of  Mexico  and  the  lesser  cities  of  the  south 
are  not  thinking,  and  with  result.  Nor  is  it  true  that  Madero  's 
downfall  was  the  result  of  the  strong  feeling  between  north  and 
south.  That  no  doubt  had  its  influence.  But  it  is  certain  that, 
if  Carranza,  Villa,  or  both  come  into  power  in  Mexico,  this  feel- 
ing will  seriously  affect  their  position,  and  endanger  their  con- 
tinuance in  power.  It  is  also  true  that  under  all  circumstances 
the  federal  army  will  always  be  drawn  chiefly  from  the  south, 
and  there  will  be  always  hostility  between  it  on  the  one  side 
and  any  leader  from  the  scantly  populated  districts  of  the  north, 
especially  when  they  have  fought  against  each  other. 

ATTITUDE   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

The  second  notable  result  of  the  nine  days'  battle  and  the 
assumption  of  power  by  Huerta  was  the  position  which  the 
United  States  has  taken.  The  battle  in  the  City  of  Mexico  took 
place  just  as  Taft's  administration  was  coming  to  an  end.  He 
desired  so  far  as  possible  to  avoid  committing  the  incoming 
administration  to  a  policy.  His  attitude,  therefore,  was  one  of 
no  interference.  On  Feb.  9,  it  was  announced  that  there 
would  be  no  landing  of  marines  unless  Americans  were  killed 
or  wounded.  It  was  realized  that  the  situation  was  dangerous, 
and  that  anarchy  was  threatening,  from  the  lack  of  a  strong 
man  to  take  control.  It  was  recognized  that  foreign  nations 
had  claims,  and  wanted  peace,  but  that  they  had  redress  by 
direct  diplomatic  dealing  with  Mexico,  though  estopped  from 
active  intervention  by  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 


398  HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


ME.  WILSON'S  STATEMENT 


Very  soon  after  coming  into  power  Mr.  Wilson  announced 
that  his  administration  desires :  * '  The  most  cordial  understand- 
ing and  cooperation  between  the  peoples  and  leaders  of 
America. ' '  He  said :  * '  Cooperation  is  possible  only  when  sup- 
ported at  every  turn  by  the  orderly  processes  of  just  government 
based  upon  law,  not  upon  arbitrary  or  irregular  force.  We  hold, 
as  I  am  sure  all  thoughtful  leaders  of  republican  government 
everywhere  hold,  that  just  government  rests  always  upon  the 
consent  of  the  governed,  and  that  there  can  be  no  freedom 
without  order  based  upon  law  and  the  public  conscience  and 
approval.  We  shall  look  to  make  these  principles  the  basis 
of  mutual  intercourse,  respect  and  helpfulness  between  our 
sister  republics  and  ourselves.  We  shall  lend  our  influence  of 
every  kind  to  the  realization  of  these  principles  in  fact  and 
practice,  knowing  that  disorder,  personal  intrigue  and  defiance 
of  constitutional  rights  weaken  and  discredit  government,  and 
injure  none  so  much  as  the  people  who  are  unfortunate  enough 
to  have  their  common  life  and  their  common  affairs  so  dis- 
turbed. We  can  have  no  sympathy  with  those  who  seek  to 
seize  the  power  of  government  to  further  their  own  personal 
ambition.  We  are  the  friends  of  peace,  but  we  know  that  there 
can  be  no  lasting  or  stable  peace  in  such  circumstances.  As 
friends,  therefore,  we  shall  prefer  those  who  act  in  the  interests 
of  peace  and  honor,  who  protect  private  rights,  and  respect  the 
restraints  of  constitutional  provision.  Mutual  respect  seems 
to  us  the  indispensable  foundation  of  friendship  between 
states,  as  between  individuals. "  The  United  States  has  nothing 
to  seek  in  Latin  America  "save  lasting  interests  of  the  people " 
and  "the  security  of  governments  intended  for  the  people  and 
for  no  special  group  or  interest." 

GOOD   OFFICES 

There  is  no  question  that  President  Wilson  has  been  im- 
pelled by  the  highest  motives.  There  is  very  serious  question 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  399 

whether  his  policy  has  been  successful.  On  Aug.  3,  it  was 
reported  from  Washington  that  there  would  be  no  armed  inter- 
vention. "  President  Wilson  is  willing  and  eager  to  help 
Mexico  help  herself.  It  is  expected  that  in  a  few  days  he  will 
offer  the  good  offices  of  the  United  States  toward  the  settlement 
of  the  republic's  internal  dissensions.  The  president  hopes 
the  factions  will  accept  the  offer,  but  if  they  do  not,  there  will 
be  no  intervention.  If  an  election  is  held  and  a  stable  govern- 
ment established,  it  will  be  recognized,  but  if  no  election  is  per- 
mitted, and  Huerta  remains  in  power,  he  will  not  be  recognized 
by  the  American  Government. " 

The  position  of  a  nation  which  offers  its  good  offices  toward 
the  settlement  of  another  nation's  internal  dissensions  is  neces- 
sarily delicate.  In  its  very  nature  it  is  an  attack  upon  sov- 
ereignty. It  is  a  far  more  serious  matter  than  to  offer  to  act 
as  intermediary  between  two  nations.  It  should  be  undertaken 
only  when  any  misunderstanding  is  impossible.  It  could  there- 
fore never  be  properly  undertaken  with  regard  to  Mexico.  It 
is  true  that  for  a  long  time  we  have  been  meddling  in  the  pri- 
vate affairs  of  other  nations.  We  have  browbeaten  and  abused 
Panama,  Nicaragua,  and  other  Central  and  South  American 
republics  until  we  have  become  blind  to  the  actual  meaning  of 
our  action;  we  have  made  and  unmade  presidents;  we  have 
done  these  things  at  the  dictation  of  money  interests  or  for 
special  points  in  our  own  politics.  With  the  coming  into  power 
of  the  democratic  party  with  Mr.  Wilson  at  its  head,  we  might 
naturally  have  hoped  that  such  attacks  upon  sovereignty  of 
other  nations  would  cease.  Such  seems  not  to  be  the  case. 


JOHN   LTNT>'S    MISSION 


Eefusing  to  recognize  Huerta 's  government  was  entirely 
within  our  rights.  Such  nonrecognition  by  itself  would  have 
helped  the  natural  elimination  of  the  man  in  a  short  space  of 
time ;  but  we  did  more  than  simply  fail  to  recognize  his  govern- 
ment. Mr.  Wilson,  in  the  pursuit  of  a  policy  strange  and  inex- 
plicable, sent  his  private  spokesman  and  personal  representa- 


400 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


MARIA  GUTIERREZ,  LIEUTENANT  IN  VILLA'S  FORCE. 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  401 

tive,  John  Lind,  to  Mexico,  with  certain  suggestions.  What 
was  Mr.  Lind's  status?  Whom  did  he  represent?  Was  he  the 
spokesman  and  personal  representative  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  armed  with  authority  to  act!  Or  was  he  the 
private  letter  carrier  of  Mr.  Wilson,  an  amiable  and  well  mean- 
ing individual  ?  With  whom  could  he  deal  ?  What  could  he  do  I 
The  people  of  the  United  States  were  kept  in  absolute  igno- 
rance for  days.  The  newspapers  indulged  in  all  sorts  of  sur- 
mises and  suggestions.  It  was  queried  whether  Mr.  Lind  would 
be  maltreated  personally;  whether  he  would  be  deported  at 
Vera  Cruz  as  an  undesirable  alien;  whether  Mexico  would  get 
angry  and  declare  war  against  us.  There  were  days  of  mys- 
tery; suggestions  of  differences;  rumors  that  negotiations  had 
been  discontinued  and  that  Mr.  Lind  was  on  the  point  of  return- 
ing to  this  country.  Behind  it  all  loomed  up  some  vague  impal- 
pable, which  was  sure  to  happen,  if  Mexico  failed  to  meet  our 
demands. 

THE  DEMANDS 

It  is  a  question  whether  Mr.  Lind's  presentation  of  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  suggestions  or  demands  was  not  itself  a  recog- 
nition of  Huerta's  government.  However  this  may  be,  the 
Mexican  Government  treated  John  Lind  with  every  courtesy. 
They  received  him — which  they  were  under  no  obligation  to 
do — as  a  mark  of  appreciation  of  President  Wilson's  good 
intentions.  After  all,  the  matter  proved  "the  labor  of  a  moun- 
tain, and  the  birth  of  a  mouse."  The  four  demands  made  by 
President  Wilson  were  as  follows:  (1)  Agreement  to  a  cessa- 
tion of  hostilities  throughout  Mexico  and  to  a  definite  armistice ; 

(2)  provision   for   a   free   and   early   election   for   president; 

(3)  President  Huerta  not  to  be  a  candidate  for  reelection; 

(4)  all  factions  to  agree  to  abide  by  the  result. 

In  their  very  nature  these  demands  were  ridiculous.  The 
first  was  an  impossibility;  the  second  would  take  place  in  the 
nature  of  things,  and  had  already  been  provided  for ;  the  third 
involves  a  delicate  constitutional  point,  fully  appreciated  by 


402  HUERTA— AND  WILSON 

the  Mexican  people,  and  one  only  for  them  to  consider;  the 
fourth  is  an  entirely  academic  provision,  which  could  never  be 
operative  in  any  country,  at  a  time  of  real  political  excitement. 

REPLY    OF    MEXICO 

There  is  no  question  that  the  responses  made  by  Huerta 's 
government  were  dignified  and  better  based  in  diplomatic  usage 
than  our  demands.  It  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  not  space  to 
quote  in  detail.  We  will  only  give  the  following  as  a  sample. 
In  a  second  note  Wilson  insisted  on  an  immediate  answer  only 
to  the  demand,  that  Huerta  be  eliminated  from  the  electoral 
contest,  and  that  the  other  points  could  be  taken  up  later  on. 
Gamboa,  Huerta 's  Secretary  of  Foreign  Eelations,  in  his  note 
of  answer  said  that  his  first  answer  might  stand  for  a  reply  to 
this  demand,  "but  that  Huerta,  desiring  to  exercise  extreme 
forbearance,  was  willing  to  make  further  explanations  to  the 
suggestion  of  Wilson,  that,  if  the  Mexican  Government  "acts 
immediately  and  favorably,  he  would  express  to  American 
bankers  and  their  associates  assurances  that  the  Government 
will  look  with  favor  upon  the  extension  of  an  immediate  loan 
sufficient  to  meet  the  temporary  needs  of  the  present  adminis- 
tration. "  Gamboa  replied:  "There  could  not  be  a  loan  big 
enough  offered  to  induce  those  entrusted  with  the  national  dig- 
nity to  put  that  dignity  aside. "  .  .  .  "Not  only  would  we 
forego  our  sovereignty,  but  our  destiny  as  a  separate  entity 
and  all  future  elections  for  President  would  be  submitted  to  the 
veto  of  any  President  of  the  United  States.  Such  an  enormity 
no  Government  will  ever  attempt  to  perpetrate. " 

The  result  of  the  President's  proposition  to  Mexico  was  to 
greatly  strengthen  President  Huerta 's  hold  upon  his  people. 
He  had  not  before  been  a  popular  leader.  From  now  he  was  to 
be  more  or  less  such  an  one. 

AN  EXODUS  ORDERED 

Immediately  after  sending  his  report  to  Congress  President 
Wilson  urged  Americans  to  leave  Mexico.  Those  who  were 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  403 

unable  to  bear  the  expense  of  their  own  transportation  were  to 
be  aided  in  making  the  exodus.  An  appropriation  of  $100,000 
was  provided  for  the  needs  of  the  refugees.  The  government 
claimed  that  two  or  three  years  before  there  had  been  60,000 
Americans  in  the  Eepublic  of  Mexico;  this  number  had  fallen 
to  one-sixth  of  that  amount,  or  less.  The  embassy  and  con- 
sulates were  ordered  to  inform  all  Americans  of  the  President's 
warning.  This  action  was  most  injudicious.  It  is  possible  that 
Americans  in  remote  and  mountain  regions  were  in  danger, 
but,  if  so,  they  already  knew  their  peril,  and  should  have  taken 
steps  to  save  themselves.  The  greater  part  of  the  Americans 
in  the  Mexican  Republic  were  in  no  danger.  At  the  City  of 
Mexico  itself,  the  American  residents  were  at  a  loss  to  under- 
stand the  warning.  Dr.  John  W.  Butler,  at  the  head  of  the 
Methodist  missions  of  the  country,  telegraphed  to  his  home 
board  as  follows:  " Washington  instructions  for  American 
exodus  much  resented  by  colony.  Reasons  given  appear  inade- 
quate. Union  mission  conference  representing  four  churches 
objects,  except  from  disturbed  territory.  What  does  the  board 
recommend  in  the  present  emergency  V9 

Charles  E.  Cummings,  superintendent  of  the  Mexican  Tele- 
graph Company,  telegraphed:  " During  the  thirty-two  years' 
residence  in  Mexico  I  never  received  better  treatment  than 
now,  and  if  it  comes  to  the  worst  between  the  two  countries,  I 
am  willing  to  trust  the  safety  of  myself  and  family  to  the  hos- 
pitality and  protection  of  the  Mexican  people. " 

Stones  are  thrown  at  dogs  that  run.  If  Mr.  Wilson  desired 
.to  jeopardize  the  lives  of  Americans  resident  in  the  Republic 
of  Mexico,  he  could  have  done  it  in  no  other  way  better  than  by 
this  hysterical  suggestion. 

HUEKTA'S  COUP  D'ETAT 

On  Oct.  10,  Huerta  made  a  coup  d'etat.  Dr.  Belisaro 
Dominguez,  Senator  for  Chiapas,  had  disappeared.  It  was 
believed  that  he  had  met  with  foul  play  and  that  the  president 
was  at  the  bottom  of  the  mystery.  One  hundred  and  ten  mem- 


404 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


STILL  TEACHING  SCHOOL. 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  405 

bers  of  the  House  of  Deputies  lodged  a  resolution  of  warning 
to  Huerta  on  account  of  this  affair,  claiming  that  they  should 
abandon  the  capital,  and  hold  their  meetings  elsewhere,  owing 
to  a  lack  of  guarantees  of  personal  security.  When  the  House 
of  Deputies  came  again  in  session  soldiers  were  found  in  pos- 
session ;  Minister  Aldape  read  a  communication  from  the  presi- 
dent in  which  he  demanded  the  withdrawal  of  this  resolution. 
On  refusal  to  do  so  the  refractory  deputies  were  arrested  and 
thrown  in  prison.  Congress  was  dissolved,  and  the  election  of 
a  new  Congress  ordered.  The  date  of  the  election  had  been 
fixed  for  Oct.  25.  Four  candidates  for  president  were  in  the  lead, 
the  most  conspicuous  being  Federico  Gamboa,  nominated  by  the 
Catholic  party;  the  others  were  Felix  Diaz,  Manuel  Calero,  and 
David  de  la  Fuente.  The  vote  cast  was  very  small  and  practically 
none  of  these  candidates  figured  prominently.  On  the  con- 
trary General  Huerta  was  declared  upon  the  30th  to  have  been 
elected  President,  and  General  Blanquet,  Vice-President. 
Under  the  circumstances,  this  coup  d'etat  and  the  following 
election  were  bold  strokes  on  Huerta 's  part.  They  could  only 
have  been  carried  through  on  account  of  the  fact  that  the  old 
man  had  been  rendered  stubborn  by  opposition  and  strong  by 
apparent  persecution  from  without. 

On  Nov.  15,  our  newspapers  reported  Huerta  as  saying  in 
answer  to  an  inquiry :  "  0,  no,  I  shall  not  quit ;  I  shall  continue 
just  as  I  have  been  doing,  to  put  forth  my  best  efforts  to  bring 
about  the  pacification  of  the  country  and  thus  fulfill  the  promise 
I  made  on  taking  office. "  Mr.  Lind  is  at  this  time  reported  as 
threatening  the  withdrawal  of  the  American  Embassy  and  the 
landing  of  marines.  In  the  same  newspaper  this  comment  is 
made:  "Thus  once  again  Huerta  has  flouted  the  United  States. 
If  the  president  would  adopt  the  recommendations  of  some  of 
his  advisers,  he  would  throw  troops  into  Mexico  City,  oust 
Huerta,  establish  a  provisional  president  in  office,  and  with- 
draw. "  It  is  strange  how  easy  it  is  for  the  ordinary  reporter 
to  solve  affairs  of  state. 


406  HUERTA— AND  WILSON 

SHUTTING   OFF   RESOURCES 

President  Wilson  naturally  was  much  offended  at  the  mis- 
carriage of  his  plans.  In  pursuance  of  his  policy  of  watchful 
waiting  he  decided  next  to  cut  off  sinews  of  war  from  Huerta. 
Not  only  would  he  object  to  our  own  bankers  furnishing  loans 
to  the  existing  government  of  Mexico,  but  he  would  so  represent 
the  matter  to  foreign  nations  as  to  interfere  with  their  supply- 
ing the  urgent  needs  of  the  republic.  Here,  again,  unquestion- 
ably he  interfered  unwarrantably  with  the  affairs  of  our  sister 
nation.  Huerta  can  for  some  time  secure  forced  loans  within 
his  own  territory.  Such  loans  necessarily  entail  serious  suffer- 
ing upon  the  community.  Local  banks  and  legitimate  enter- 
prises alike  must  suffer  during  the  period  of  disciplining  the 
president,  who,  with  Indian  tenacity  holds  to  his  office.  It  is 
easy  enough  to  dream  of  subsequent  reimbursement,  but  mil- 
lions in  the  future  cannot  compensate  for  the  impossibility  of 
meeting  present  needs  for  thousands. 

MYSTERY   OF   PASS   CHRISTIAN 

While  President  Wilson  was  at  Pass  Christian  there  was  a 
mysterious  visit  to  him  there.  The  United  States  has  not  yet 
been  taken  fully  into  confidence  in  this  matter,  but  it  is  pretty 
certain  that  on  that  occasion  representatives  of  the  newly  organ- 
ized Catholic  party  made  some  proposition  to  the  president. 
It  is  suspected  that  the  effort  there  made  was  to  have  him  agree 
with  them  upon  a  mutually  satisfactory  candidate  for  presi- 
dent. History  repeats  itself,  and  we  can  only  be  reminded  of 
that  time  in  the  sixties  when  a  body,  chiefly  representing  the 
Church  party,  visited  Europe  and  invited  an  intervening 
sovereign. 

HALE   AND   CARRANZA 

In  his  efforts  to  down  Huerta,  President  Wilson  has  sent 
his  personal  representative,  Mr.  Hale,  to  confer  with  Carranza 
and  the  constitutionalists.  Carranza  refused  to  deal  in  any 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON  407 

way  with  Huerta.  He  demanded  his  elimination.  He,  how- 
ever, absolutely  refused  to  sell  the  constitutionalist  party  to 
the  United  States,  and  demanded  that  Mr.  Hale  present  creden- 
tials. This  is  actually  the  shrewdest  thing  put  to  the  credit 
of  Carranza. 

THE   EMBAKGO   LIFTED 

The  latest  step  in  the  battle  between  the  two  presidents  has 
been  the  lifting  of  the  embargo  upon  arms  and  ammunition 
from  this  country  into  the  territory  of  the  constitutionalist 
forces.  It  is  doubtful  whether  in  practice  it  may  amount  to 
much.  How  much  further  the  government  may  be  going  than 
merely  lifting  the  embargo  is  uncertain.  There  has  at  no  time 
been  difficulty  since  1910  in  bringing  arms  across  the  border 
into  Mexico.  Of  course,  if  we  supply  arms,  or  sell  at  advanta- 
geous prices,  that  will  aid  the  rebels  in  the  field.  It  is  amusing, 
however,  and  saddening,  to  find  ourselves  backing  Villa  and 
Carranza  at  the  present.  The  avowed  reason  for  hostility  to 
Huerta  is  his  bloody  hands.  His  are  clean,  compared  with 
Villa's.  And  there  must  come  a  time  of  readjustment  in 
Chihuahua.  Villa's  socialism  makes  a  good  newspaper  story, 
but  some  time  it  must  be  dealt  with  and  those  private  rights 
which  President  Wilson  asserts  should  be  respected,  must  be 
guarded.  Are  we  really  ready  to  endorse  Villa's  particular 
form  of  government  at  the  present  moment?  A  dangerous 
precedent  may  be  involved. 

THE   PKESENT    STATUS 

What  is  the  status  at  this  time!  We  have  impaired  a 
nation's  sovereignty, — a  serious  matter;  we  have  prolonged  a 
bloody  conflict,  with  hideous  cruelties  and  frightful  loss;  we 
have  entrenched  a  man  in  power,  whose  natural  elimination 
was  desirable  and  would  soon  have  come  about;  we  have  pro- 
duced ruin  and  disaster  by  a  hysterical  cry  of  exodus ;  we  have 


408 


HUERTA— AND  WILSON 


made  it  impossible  legally  to  collect  damages  by  refusing  to 
recognize  a  de  facto  government;  we  are  encouraging  and  abet- 
ting flagrant  abuse  of  individual  rights  of  property. 

All  this  we  have  done,  and  still  are  doing,  with  the  best 
intentions  in  the  world. 


NO  MONEY  TO  MOVE  HIS  CROP 


VIEW  IN  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO,  MAKCH,  1913, 

JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

OLD  KELATIONS  BETWEEN  JAPAN  AND  MEXICO — JAPAN  *S  COMMERCIAL 

GKOWTH THE  SCARE  ABOUT  MAGDALENA  BAY THE  JUSTICE  OF 

JAPAN'S  POSITION — THE  MATTER  OF  THE  SPECIAL  ENVOY — THE 

FIRST  APPOINTMENT — THE  SECOND  APPOINTMENT — FELIX  DIAZ 

AND  FINALLY DE  LA  BARRA. 

SOME  papers  of  January  5,  1914,  contained  the  following: 
PARIS,    Jan.    4. — Prof.    Guglielmo    Ferrero,    the    Italian 
historian    and    critic,    has    an    article    on    "  Japan    and 
America"  in  Le  Figaro  today.    He  begins  by  saying  that  prob- 
ably few  persons  have  paid  attention  to  the  cable  dispatches 
describing  the  warm  welcome  accorded  by  the  Japanese  to  Fran- 
cisco de  la  Barra,  the  special  Mexican  envoy  who  went  to  Tokio 
to  express  to  the  Mikado  the  thanks  of  the  Mexican  republic  for 

409 


410  JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

Japan's  participation  in  the  celebration  of  the  centennial  of 
Mexican  independence  three  years  ago.  .  .  . 

The  Italian  writer  believes  that  the  honors  accorded  to  Senor 
de  la  Barra  three  years  after  the  events  for  which  he  returned 
thanks  are  part  of  Japan's  "curious  American  policy. " 

It  is  unlikely  that  the  great  Italian  historian  really  said 
just  this,  but  undoubtedly  our  people  will  accept  the  statement 
as  his  utterance. 

OLD  RELATIONS  BETWEEN   JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

In  1910  we  were  guests  at  Sendai,  northern  Japan.  My 
companion  was  my  Mexican  photographer,  Manuel  Gonzales. 
We  spent  an  afternoon  with  Mr.  Date,  the  lineal  descendant  of 
the  famous  old  Lord  of  Sendai,  Date  Masamune.  Our  host 
was  particularly  interested  in  my  companion.  It  is  possible 
that  he  had  never  seen  a  Mexican.  He  inquired  with  interest 
about  Mexico  and  its  people.  He  told  us  with  evident  and  justi- 
fiable pride,  that  300  years  ago  his  famous  ancestor  had  sent  a 
delegation  to  Rome  by  way  of  Mexico.  That  delegation  has 
entered  into  history;  it  was  an  important  link  between  the 
extreme  Orient  and  Europe;  it  is  particularly  interesting  that 
Mexico  was  the  mid-point  in  the  connection. 

Trade  relations  between  the  two  countries  were  once  import- 
ant. During  vice-royal  days  galleons  were  regularly  fitted 
out  from  Acapulco,  to  carry  the  productions  of  Europe  and 
America  to  the  Philippines,  Japan  and  China.  Many  things 
came  back  in  exchange,  and  there  are  still  numbers  of  fine  old 
pieces  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  porcelain,  furniture,  laquer,  silks 
and  other  fabrics  treasured  in  Mexican  families. 

There  were  religious  contacts  also.  Spanish  missionaries 
went  to  the  Orient,  via  Mexico,  and  Mexican  priests  as  well. 
The  famous  Felipe  de  Jesus,  known  as  the  proto-martyr,  was  a 
missionary  from  Mexico  to  Japan  who  found  his  death  in  that 
country.  A  ghastly  print,  often  repeated,  represents  the  unfor- 
tunate twenty-six  missionary  priests  crucified  near  Nagasaki. 

But  while  relations  between  Japan  and  Mexico  were  ancient 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO  411 

and  varied,  they  ceased  for  a  long  time,  and  for  generations 
the  two  countries  were  largely  out  of  touch,  though  relations 
were  never  completely  destroyed. 

JAPAN'S  COMMERCIAL  GROWTH 

With  the  development  of  Japan's  commercial  interests  the 
two  countries  are  again  in  contact.  Japanese  settlers  in  con- 
siderable numbers  have  moved  into  the  Republic.  At  Juchitan, 
in  southern  Oaxaca,  we  found  a  hotel  kept  by  a  Japanese  in 
1898'  There  has  been  a  constant  trickling  in  of  Japanese 
laborers  for  the  last  score  of  years;  for  the  most  part,  they 
have  been  well  received,  and  until  lately  have  aroused  little,  if 
any,  hostility.  Japanese  steamers  serve  Victoria  in  British 
Columbia,  Tacoma,  Seattle  and  San  Francisco;  but  they  also 
serve  Salina  Cruz  and  Manzanillo,  on  the  coast  of  Mexico,  and 
go  down  the  whole  South  American  coast  and  even  around  Cape 
Horn.  Comparatively  few  Americans  realize  that  Japan  is  one 
of  the  great  commercial  nations  of  the  world;  her  lines  of 
steamers  are  surpassed  only  by  those  of  Great  Britain  and 
Germany.  Transportation  is  one  of  Japan's  great  industries. 
It  is  legitimate  business;  it  is  a  necessary  development;  it  is  as 
natural  that  Japan  should  be  a  great  shipping  nation  as  it  is 
that  Great  Britain  should  be  so — and  for  precisely  the  same 
reason.  Japan,  until  a  few  years  back,  has  been  an  island 
empire ;  the  cultivatable  area  within  her  territory  is  small  and 
incapable  of  much  extension.  The  population  is  numerous  and 
crowded.  Japan  is  driven  to  manufacture  and  trade — to  ship- 
ping— as  inevitably  as  Great  Britain  was.  There  is  no  accident 
in  it,  it  is  no  deep  and  dark  scheme  of  the  politicians,  which 
makes  her  a  world-carrier.  But,  in  connection  with  her  rise  to 
importance  in  world-trade,  suspicion  arises  in  our  country. 

THE    SCARE    ABOUT    MAGDALENA   BAY 

Not  long  ago  our  papers  were  filled  with  rumors  of  plots  and 
schemes  against  ourselves  in  connection  with  Magdalena  Bay. 
Senator  Lodge  and  others  turned  suspicion  into  accusation.  Our 


412  JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

yellow  journals  were  filled  with  hostile  criticisms,  and  statesmen 
of  the  Hobson  type  talked  about  our  unpreparedness  for  war 
and  made  desperate  appeals  for  a  great  army.  Undoubtedly  the 
Japanese  steamship  company  wanted  a  footing  in  Magdalena 
Bay.  It  needs  a  footing  at  many  points  along  the  Pacific  Coast. 
It  must  have  it,  it  will  no  doubt  secure  it;  but  in  such  a  con- 
venience for  commercial  development  there  lurks  no  serious 
danger. 

THE  JUSTICE  OF  JAPAN'S  POSITION 

The  delicate  point  of  course  is  the  fact  that  the  Japanese 
government  is  said  to  be  a  partner  in  the  shipping  company; 
there  is  a  certain  amount  of  truth  in  the  claim,  but  it  counts 
for  little.  Miss  Simcox  in  her  interesting  studies  of  primitive 
civilization  recognizes  two  kinds  of  civilization  to  which  she 
gives  the  name  " domestic "  and  "political."  The  terms  are 
happily  chosen  and  name  two  actually  different  conditions  and 
points  of  view.  Japan  and  China  are  domestic  civilizations. 
The  fact  that  they  are  such  is  the  secret  of  their  long  existence ; 
it  is  the  reason  for  the  relatively  great  happiness  of  their  teem- 
ing populations.  If  white  men  were  as  crowded  as  the  Chinese 
and  Japanese,  life  under  our  form  of  social  organization  would 
be  not  only  wretched  in  the  extreme,  but  actually  unendurable. 
The  fundamental  idea  of  domestic  civilization  is  the  subordina- 
tion of  the  individual  to  the  group;  Japan  and  China  have 
existed  with  their  teeming  populations  on  account  of  this 
altruistic  principle.  In  domestic  civilization  the  interest  of  the 
mass  is  preeminent;  in  political  civilization  individualism  is  the 
rule,  and  selfish  advantage  the  aim.  In  domestic  civilization 
the  government  must  do  for  the  people  far  more  than  it  does 
or  can  do  in  individualism.  In  Japan  the  people  endure  what 
we  would  consider  a  heavy  weight  of  taxation,  not  only  with- 
out outbreak,  but  without  difficulty  or  suffering;  the  govern- 
ment returns  to  the  taxed  population  far  more  than  we  do.  Not 
only  does  the  Japanese  government  carry  mails  for  the  citizens ; 
it  conducts  the  telegraphs  and  telephones,  the  railroads,  irriga- 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 


413 


Copyrighted  by  TTnder\vood  and  Underwood 

FELIX  DIAZ. 


414  JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

tion  systems,  adjustment  of  land-boundaries,  and  a  thousand 
other  matters  of  public  utility.  In  Japan,  the  government  deals 
with  the  problem  of  distribution  of  population;  it  encourages 
emigration  from  crowded  districts  of  limited  opportunity  into 
scantly  settled  regions  of  larger  promise;  it  aids  the  man  who 
is  willing  to  go  from  Osaka  or  Hiroshima  to  the  Hokkaido  or 
to  Korea ;  if  necessary,  it  supplies  him  not  only  transportation, 
but  tools  or  even  the  opportunity  of  setting  up  in  business.  This 
is  not  political  scheming  aimed  to  the  undoing  of  other  nations ; 
it  is  the  natural  working  out  of  the  fundamental  idea  of  social 
and  governmental  organization.  From  this  point  of  view,  it  is  as 
natural  that  the  Japanese  government  should  be  interested  in 
its  shipping  enterprises  as  in  any  other  branch  of  national 
development;  it  is  as  natural,  if  you  please,  that  the  Japanese 
government  should  be  a  partner  in  the  steamship  companies 
as  that  she  should  carry  mails,  disinfect  villages,  control  the 
health  conditions  of  cities,  and  distribute  seed  grain  to  famine- 
stricken  districts.  Only  a  complete  ignorance  of  the  funda- 
mentals of  domestic  civilization  can  excuse  a  writer  or  a  public 
speaker  for  criticising  this  interest  in  shipping  enterprises  and 
considering  it  political  plotting. 

Japan  has  a  perfect  right  to  her  system ;  so  has  China.  It  is 
true  that  our  own  selfish  and  individualistic  system  is  so  dif- 
ferent that  we  dislike  the  other  way,  and  even,  as  Mr.  Millard 
in  his  various  writings  does,  demand  that  those  great  nations 
should  conform  to  our  ideas  and  play  the  game  according  to  our 
rules.  It  is  not  only  unreasonable  for  us  to  make  such  a  demand, 
it  is  hopeless.  And  if  the  matter  were  to  be  decided  by  opinion, 
and  majority  rule  were  to  apply,  it  would  be  more  proper  for 
Japan  to  demand  that  we  conform  to  their  ideals  and  point  of 
view.  Curiously  and  interestingly,  the  whole  trend  of  the  blind 
movements  taking  place  in  European  and  American  nations  is 
actually  in  the  direction  of  their  system. 

Magdalena  Bay  is  not  a  menace.  Japanese  shipping  lines 
have  a  right  to  terminal  facilities.  The  fact  that  the  Japanese 
government  is  interested  in  them  does  not  make  the  effort  to 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO  415 

secure  conveniences  a  political  plotting.  There  is  not,  unless 
by  our  own  folly  we  force  the  attitude,  in  the  negotiations 
regarding  this  matter,  any  unfriendliness,  nor  hint  of  warlike 
preparation. 

THE  MATTER  OF   THE  SPECIAL  ENVOY 

But  we  return  to  the  reputed  utterance  of  Professor  Ferrero. 
Twenty-eight  nations  participated  in  the  Mexican  Centennial 
Celebration.  They  showed  their  sympathy  and ,  friendship  to 
Mexico  in  her  hour  of  glory.  International  courtesy  demanded 
return  delegates  carrying  the  thanks  of  the  nation  for  their 
friendship.  Promptly  after  the  celebration,  official  delegates 
were  named  and  sent  to  all  the  participating  nations  with  the 
thanks  of  Mexico.  To  all,  we  say — there  was  one  exception ;  the 
thanks  of  the  nation  were  not  promptly  carried  to  Japan. 

THE  FIRST  APPOINTMENT 

The  story  is  a  curious  one.  Fate  itself  seems  to  have  been 
interested  in  preventing  the  courtesy.  At  the  time  when  delega- 
tions were  named  and  appointments  made  to  France  and  Ger- 
many, Belgium,  the  United  States,  and  Argentine,  and  to  all 
the  rest,  there  was  indeed  a  delegate  appointed  for  carrying  the 
national  thanks  to  Japan.  It  was  Porfirio  Diaz,  Jr.,  son  of  the 
President,  who  was  appointed.  He  was  a  youn£  man,  of  amiable 
disposition,  quite  harmless  in  diplomacy  and  politics.  The 
appointment  was  looked  upon  as  a  plum ;  a  trip  to  Japan  at  the 
government's  expense  was  a  nice  little  outing.  But  the  moment 
was  a  bad  one.  The  celebration  of  the  centennial  filled  the 
month  of  September.  In  November  Aquiles  Serdan  met  his 
death  and  the  Madero  revolution  was  on.  The  whole  country 
was  ablaze.  The  rebellion,  which  at  first  seemed  insignificant, 
gained  strength ;  the  Diaz  power  began  to  totter ;  the  old  presi- 
dent found  himself  deserted  by  those  whom  he  had  trusted ;  he 
did  not  know  upon  whom  he  could  depend ;  in  that  hour  of  trial 
he  was  sadly  shaken ;  he  could  trust  his  son,  and  disliked  to  be 
left  alone  in  the  moment  of  crisis.  One  day  after  another  was 


416 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO  417 

set  for  the  young  man's  departure;  each  time  the  old  man's 
fears  prevented  his  starting  and  the  date  was  deferred.  Senor 
Efren  Rebolledo,  representative  of  the  legation  of  Mexico  in 
Tokio,  was  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  waiting  for  young  Diaz  to 
accompany  him  to  the  land  of  the  rising  sun.  Finally,  after 
several  postponements,  he  could  wait  no  longer  for  the  official 
delegate  and  went  back  alone  to  his  official  duties ;  I  called  upon 
Sefior  Rebolledo  the  day  he  left  the  City  of  Mexico;  he  was 
busy  packing  his  trunks  and  complained  bitterly  over  the  long 
delay  and  over  the  fact  that,  after  all,  he  had  to  make  the  journey 
without  companionship.  A  few  weeks  later  and  Porfirio  Diaz 
fell.  The  thanks  of  the  nation  had  not  been  carried  to  Japan. 

THE   SECOND  APPOINTMENT 

There  followed  the  interregnum ;  Francisco  de  la  Barra  was 
too  busy  with  complicated  matters  to  think  of  sending  thanks  to 
anyone.  The  fall  elections  placed  Francisco  I.  Madero  in  the 
presidential  chair.  Some  months  of  course  were  necessary 
before  the  machinery  of  government  was  moving  smoothly. 
Then  it  was  remembered  that  the  thanks  of  the  nation  had  not 
been  carried  to  Japan  for  her  participation  in  the  centennial. 
Just  as  Porfirio  Diaz  considered  the  occasion  fit  for  a  pleasure 
excursion  for  a  member  of  his  family,  so  Madero  thought  he 
would  give  a  near  relative  an  outing.  Accordingly  Gustavo 
Madero  was  appointed  official  delegate  of  the  nation  to  carry 
thanks  to  the  Japanese  Empire.  Again  I  was  in  the  City  of 
Mexico  at  the  time  set  for  the  departure  of  the  delegate;  fare- 
well banquets  were  given  by  the  friends  of  the  appointee.  But 
before  the  sailing,  it  was  realized  that  the  death  of  the  Mikado 
made  the  moment  an  unfavorable  one  for  the  occasion.  The 
departure  of  the  delegate  was  postponed  until  the  period  of 
mourning  should  be  past.  The  Reyes-Diaz  revolution  came  on ; 
the  Nine  Days'  Battle  in  the  City  of  Mexico  took  place ;  not  only 
the  President  himself  was  murdered,  but  his  brother,  Gustavo, 
was  assassinated.  The  thanks  of  Mexico  were  still  untold. 


418  JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 

FELIX   DIAZ 

Again  a  period  of  uncertainty.  As  Huerta,  however,  gained 
a  firmer  hold  upon  the  government,  it  was  again  realized  that 
courtesy  demanded  that  a  delegate  be  sent  with  thanks  to  Japan. 
The  realization  of  this  fact  coincided  with  the  desirableness  of 
the  absence  from  the  city  of  Felix  Diaz.  If  Huerta  were  to  con- 
tinue in  power,  if  he  were  to  be  a  successful  candidate  for  the 
election,  it  were  better  that  Felix  Diaz,  nephew  of  the  old  presi- 
dent and  a  man  of  no  particular  significance  but  still  a  possible 
candidate,  should  be  out  of  Mexico.  Accordingly  he  was  the  one 
chosen  for  the  official  duty  of  conveying  thanks  to  Japan.  His 
mission  proved  a  fiasco.  The  Japanese  government  refused 
to  receive  him.  This  refusal  was  certainly  unwise.  One  of  two 
things  is  true — either  the  United  States  Government  made  repre- 
sentations to  Tokio  that  we  did  not  wish  the  delegate  to  be 
received,  or  it  did  not  make  such  representations.  If  Washing- 
ton did  make  such  representations  to  Tokio,  the  Japanese  gov- 
ernment should  have  politely  but  clearly  indicated  that  the 
matter  was  one  which  did  not  concern  us  and  in  which  she  should 
pursue  whatever  policy  seemed  best  to  her.  If  Washington  did 
not  make  such  representations  to  Tokio,  the  action  of  the 
Japanese  government  could  only  be  considered  as  an  act  of 
uncalled-for  effort  to  conciliate  the  United  States  by  an  ostenta- 
tious display  of  friendliness  towards  us.  Whatever  was  the  fact, 
the  act  was  most  unwise,  and  unquestionably  the  Japanese 
government  recognized  its  error  promptly.  There  was  a  natural 
outcry  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  people ;  a  friendly  nation  with 
whom  Japan  had  treaties  had  been  insulted  needlessly.  It  is 
unlikely  that  the  Japanese  people  were  alone  in  making  this 
expression  of  feeling  to  the  Foreign  Office  in  Japan.  Not  only 
was  Mexico  treated  shabbily  by  the  refusal  to  receive  its  dele- 
gate; every  Latin  American  republic  was  offended,  and  in  one 
way  or  another  must  have  made  its  feeling  known  in  Tokio.  It 
would  be  strange  indeed  if  European  countries  as  well,  watching 
with  care  the  movement  of  international  politics,  did  not  express 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO  419 

surprise   to   the  Japanese  government  over  the  uncalled-for 
incivility  to  Mexico. 

AND  FINALLY DE  LA  BAEEA 

Under  such  circumstances  it  is  not  astonishing  that  the  next 
man  appointed  by  the  Mexican  government  should  have  been 
received  with  distinguished  courtesy.  Senor  de  la  Barra,  in 
December  last,  reached  Tokio,  finally  bringing  the  long-delayed 
thanks  of  the  Mexican  people  and  government  for  Japan's  par- 
ticipation in  her  celebration.  He  was  received  with  open  arms. 
When  the  Emperor  granted  him  an  interview  he  was  decorated 
by  the  imperial  hand.  It  is  unlikely  that  any  public  business 
of  weight  was  transacted  between  the  two  governments.  It  is 
more  than  likely  that  the  whole  was  merely  an  exchange  of  inter- 
national courtesies.  It  is  true,  however,  that  de  la  Barra  is  a 
very  different  man  from  either  of  the  early  nominees.  No 
department  of  foreign  affairs  that  has  ever  existed  in  Mexico 
would  for  an  instant  think  of  entrusting  matters  of  consequence 
and  delicate  diplomatic  negotiations  to  Porfirio  Diaz,  Jr.,  to 
Gustavo  Madero,  or  to  Felix  Diaz.  Porfirio  Diaz.,  Jr.,  was  a 
nice  young  man  of  no  political  significance ;  Gustavo  Madero  was 
shrewd,  a  wrecker  in  politics,  but  no  diplomat ;  Felix  Diaz  has 
ever  been  a  failure — in  military  matters,  politics  and  diplomacy. 
It  is  absolutely  certain  that  no  one  of  the  three  would  have 
been  trusted  by  either  president  or  department  with  a  matter 
of  consequence.  Francisco  de  la  Barra  is  different;  he  could 
have  been  entrusted  with  important  business;  he  might  have 
treated  business  of  importance.  But  it  is  highly  unlikely  that 
he  did  so.  His  absence  from  Mexico  was  desired  by  President 
Huerta,  and  most  desirable  from  his  own  point  of  view.  The 
Mexicans  are  too  shrewd  to  approach  Japan  seriously  at  this 
crisis,  and  Japan  is  too  wise  to  receive  overtures  from  a  totter- 
ing government  like  Huerta 's. 

No,  the  warmth  of  de  la  Barra 's  reception  in  Japan  was 
an  atonement  for  an  act  of  bad  judgment.  It  was  not  hostility 
to  the  United  States. 


420 


JAPAN  AND  MEXICO 


ARTILLERY  LEAVING  CIUDADELA,  AFTER  MADERO'S  OVERTHROW. 


WHAT  WILL  COME? 

WHEKE    IS    THE    MAN POKFIKIO    DIAZ ZAPATA PASCUAL    OKOZCO 

1 '  PANCHO  ' '  VILLA FELIX  DIAZ VASQUEZ      GOMEZ  FEDERICO 

GAMBOA DE  LA  BABEA HUEBIA CABBANZA THE  QUALITIES 

NECESSABY. 


P 


ROPHECY  is  a  thankless  task.  No  matter  how  reasonable 
prediction  seems  to  be,  no  matter  upon  what  certainties 
it  rests,  it  is  usually  a  failure. 

"The  best-laid  schemes  o'  mice  and  men 
Gang  aft  a-gley." 

The  best  constructed  schemes  of  what  will  happen  are  rarely 
realized.  We  will  not  prophesy;  but  let  us  look  over  the  field 
and  see  what  cannot  happen,  what  may  occur. 

WHEBE   IS    THE    MAN? 

Where  is  the  man  for  Mexico 's  present  crisis  ?  History  shows 
us  that  in  the  hour  of  greatest  need  a  hero  generally  arises.  It 

421 


422  WHAT  WILL  COME? 

has  always  been  so ;  it  will  continue  to  be  true.  Mexico 's  history 
is  full  of  instances.  The  gentle  priest  of  an  obscure  town  seemed 
little  likely  to  become  a  great  leader ;  yet  Hidalgo  was  the  very 
man  necessary  for  the  raising  of  the  standard  of  revolt;  he 
himself  did  not  see  the  triumph,  but  he  was  the  man  waited  for. 
Juarez,  insignificant  Indian,  came  to  the  front  in  the  hour  of 
need;  no  one  better  than  he,  with  his  Indian  doggedness  and 
stubbornness,  could  lead  the  desperate  hope  of  republican 
Mexico  through  the  uncertain  days  of  the  intervention  empire. 
Diaz  himself  was  the  man  of  the  hour;  his  peculiar  qualities 
fitted  him  for  the  task  which  had  to  be  done  if  Mexico  were  to 
develop.  Madero,  again,  appeared  in  the  hour  of  need ;  he  was 
the  representative  of  the  spirit  rising  among  the  people;  the 
hour  was  ripe ;  a  man  was  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  weak- 
ness of  the  house  of  cards  which  the  great  dictator  had  reared. 
So  in  the  history  of  other  countries.  Simon  Bolivar,  a  brilliant 
leader,  man  of  great  magnetism,  but  far  mightier  with  word 
and  pen  than  with  his  sword,  became  the  savior  of  a  continent; 
the  crisis  itself  produced  him.  So  when  we,  rent  by  bitter  parti- 
san strife,  facing  great  moral  questions,  facing  national  division, 
needed  a  man  as.  leader,  the  man  appeared;  our  greatest  crisis 
brought  forth  a  Lincoln. 

In  Mexico,  if  the  nation  is  permitted  to  work  out  its  own 
destiny,  a  man  will  certainly  arise.  Who  will  he  be,  and  why? 
At  one  time  the  natural  man  to  lead  the  Kepublic  along  the 
path  of  progress  and  legitimate  development  was  certainly 
Bernardo  Reyes.  Twice  at  least  under  the  old  regime,  he  might 
have  led  a  successful  revolution.  Had  he  done  so,  he  had  done 
much  for  Mexico,  and  his  name  would  be  remembered  as  a  great 
leader.  He  was  actually  a  popular  idol — his  name  was  on  every 
tongue,  and  the  common  people  looked  to  him  for  leadership; 
he  was  loved  by  his  soldiers  and  was  trained  for  military  leader- 
ship ;  he  had  ideas  of  education  and  government ;  he  had  experi- 
ence, and  while  he  was  governor  his  state  was  happy  by  com- 
parison with  others  of  the  Republic.  But  his  day  ended  long 
ago;  when  he  withdrew  his  candidacy  for  vice-president,  to 


WHAT  WILL  COME?  423 

please  Porfirio  Diaz,  he  destroyed  all  possibility  of  ever  leading 
his  nation.  Was  he,  after  all,  a  coward?  Or  was  he  stirred  by 
sentiment  and  personal  affection!  Or  what  was  the  weak  point 
in  his  character  which  prevented  his  acting  when  he  might  have 
acted,  when  he  should  have  acted?  When  he  finally  did  act,  it 
was  too  late.  His  hostility  to  Madero,  in  the  City  of  Mexico, 
before  the  election  of  1911,  was  puerile ;  his  invasion  of  Novem- 
ber, was  a  sadly  weak  fiasco.  His  death,  before  the  Palace,  in  a 
treacherous  attack  against  the  man  who  spared  his  life,  was  a 
hideous  ending  of  a  life  which  once  had  promised  great  results. 

POKFIRIO  DIAZ 

Looking  the  present  field  over,  who  is  available?  All  sorts 
of  ridiculous  suggestions  have  been  made.  One  of  the  least 
sensible,  laughable,  if  it  were  not  so  foolish,  is  that  Porfirio  Diaz 
should  be  recalled  from  Paris.  Let  the  old  man  rest,  and  end 
his  days  in  quiet  comfort !  He  long  outlasted  his  period  of  suc- 
cessful government.  He  went,  too  late  for  his  own  honor  and  for 
his  country's  good.  In  1910,  the  year  of  the  centennial  celebra- 
tion, he  was  admitted  to  be  eighty  years  of  age;  today  he  is 
officially  eighty-four.  There  is  a  curious  difference  of  opinion 
as  to  the  age  of  Porfirio  Diaz ;  while  his  announced  age  is  what 
we  have  just  stated,  it  is  claimed  by  many  that  for  some  per- 
sonal reason  his  age  has  always  been  misrepresented,  and  that 
in  reality  he  is  five  years  older  than  he  claims ;  if  so,  he  is  today 
a  man  of  almost  eighty-nine ;  the  idea  of  recalling  a  man  of  this 
advanced  age  to  power  is  ridiculous.  Porfirio  Diaz  is  a  man 
whose  simple  life  and  abstemious  living  have  made  him  seem 
much  younger  than  his  years ;  but  every  one,  who  saw  him  in  the 
last  two  years  of  his  administration,  knows  that  he  was  break- 
ing. The  last  reports  from  Paris  state  that  he  is  yielding  to 
advancing  deafness.  Infirmity  and  age  render  him  completely 
unavailable. 

ZAPATA 

Will  Zapata  answer?  The  asking  of  the  question  is  needless. 
Zapata  is  a  brigand;  he  glories  in  arson,  rapine,  and  plunder; 


424 


WHAT  WILL  COME? 


WHAT  WILL  COME?  425 

lie  is  a  popular  leader  of  desperate  men  who  wish  to  loot,  steal 
and  destroy.  He  is  the  ideal  bandit  leader  but  has  not  a  single 
quality  of  the  national  ruler.  He  has  no  sense  of  honor;  his 
promise  has  no  banding  force.  It  would  be  as  impossible  for 
foreign  nations  to  deal  with  a  government  headed  by  Zapata  as 
with  anarchy  itself.  Zapata  is  a  danger  to  any  government. 
He  will  no  doubt  cause  trouble  in  the  future.  When  once  a 
leader,  with  money  at  his  disposition  and  a  trained  army,  holds 
power  in  Mexico,  his  first  duty  will  be  to  clear  the  country  west 
of  Mexico  of  Zapata  and  his  followers.  The  man  is  plausible ; 
he  can  state  the  crying  needs  of  the  common  people  forcibly; 
he  can  easily  point  out  the  errors  of  Madero  and  the  failure 
of  Huerta  to  keep  his  promises,  but  he  shows  none  of  the  quali- 
ties of  constructive  statesmanship. 

PASCUAL    OKOZCO 

Would  Pascual  Orozco  do?  It  is  true  that  today's  papers 
announce  his  death;  whether  the  newrs  prove  true  or  not,  it  is 
worth  while  to  consider  the  question.  A  popular  war-corre- 
spondent draws  a  pleasing  picture  of  Pascual  Orozco  as  a  school 
boy  studying  his  book  and  gaining  a  broader  outlook,  an  ideal 
for  realization.  Several  other  Americans  seem  to  have  been 
favorably  impressed  with  the  famous  guerilla  leader  when  they 
saw  him  with  Madero  in  .front  of  Juarez.  But  would  he  do  as 
president?  Nothing  of  his  public  career  indicates  it.  No  doubt 
Orozco  learned  to  read  and  write;  through  that  learning 
undoubtedly  he  gained  a  broader  view.  But  that  training  and 
his  broader  view  led  naturally  only  to  the  work  of  arriero  or 
convoy  for  ore  or  bullion  on  its  way  from  the  mines  where  pro- 
duced to  a  point  of  shipment.  There  is  nothing  to  suggest  that 
he  had  any  higher  ambitions  or  that  he  grappled  with  public 
questions.  When  Madero 's  revolution  broke  out,  Pascual  Orozco 
promptly  joined  with  it.  To  him  Madero  owed  considerable. 
He  was  daring  in  his  attacks  upon  the  federal  soldiers.  He  was, 
however,  badly  disciplined,  a  man  of  variable  impulses.  He 
seems  to  have  had  little  loyalty,  less  of  sentimental  friendship. 


426  WHAT  WILL  COME? 

When  Madero  was  in  power,  Pascual  Orozco  went  to  the  capital 
city  to  receive  his  share  of  profit.  Given  fifty  thousand  dollars, 
he  demanded  fifty  thousand  more ;  failing  to  secure  it,  he  became 
an  enemy  of  the  Madero  regime.  It  was  easy  for  him  to  secure 
leadership  and  money  from  the  Terrazas  interests.  He  fought, 
in  other  words,  for  whoever  would  pay  him  best.  When  the 
Carranza  revolution  gained  headway,  there  was  nothing  left 
for  him  that  promised  cash  except  federal  leadership,  and  we 
find  him  in  Huerta's  forces.  Nothing  that  Pascual  Orozco  has 
ever  done  warrants  the  assumption  that  he  is  presidential 
timber. 

"PANCHO"   VILLA 

What  about  General  Villa?  Strikingly  in  the  events  of 
the  last  three  years  in  Mexico  it  has  been  shown  that  the  only 
safe  man  is  a  dead  man.  Two  men  were  spared  by  Madero  when 
their  lives  were  forfeited.  Madero  himself  had  reason  to  regret 
the  reprieve  he  granted  Felix  Diaz ;  Huerta  today  has  profound 
reason  to  regret  the  reprieve  granted  by  Madero  to  General 
Villa.  The  man  has  proved  a  good  soldier ;  he  has  always  been 
known  as  one  of  bandit  instincts.  He  is  cruel,  pitiless.  It  is 
not  impossible  that  lie  might  emerge  from  the  present  conflict 
with  considerable  military  glory.  If  he  does,  it  is  to  be  expected 
that  he  may  aspire  to  power  in  government.  Villa  as  president 
of  Mexico  is  conceivable;  but  his  elevation  to  the  highest  office 
of  the  nation  would  be  unfortunate.  Should  it  take  place,  his 
period  of  control  would  certainly  be  limited ;  he  might  perhaps 
fill  up  time  until  the  preparation  of  a  more  worthy  candidate. 

FELIX  DIAZ 

There  has  been  much  talk  of  Felix  Diaz  for  the  position. 
No  one  who  knows  the  man  and  the  nation  could  talk  seriously 
of  it.  Newspaper  writers  have  asserted  that  he  is  a  "popular 
idol."  He  is  not,  never  has  been,  never  will  be  a  popular  idol. 
He  was  a  heavy  burden  for  his  uncle  through  the  years.  A  man 
with  absolutely  no  mental  power,  without  ideas,  without  ideals. 


WHAT  WILL  COME?  427 

Porfirio  Diaz  was  ready  to  do  much  for  him.  .Felix  Diaz  was 
sent  to  Chile  as  the  diplomatic  representative  of  Mexico;  his 
stay  was  short.  His  name  was  tentatively  suggested  several 
times  for  governor  of  the  State  of  Oaxaca,  or  of  Puebla;  when 
it  is  remembered  that  in  those  days  the  old  man  made  governors 
and  unmade  them  at  will,  the  fact  that  Felix  Diaz  was  actually 
never  made  governor  of  either  state  proves  how  thoroughly  his 
uncle  recognized  his  lack  of  fitness  and  his  enormous  unpopu- 
larity. He  was,  indeed,  sometime  the  chief  of  police  of  the  City 
of  Mexico;  but  he  was  a  misfit.  After  every  failure  to  place 
him  elsewhere,  Porfirio  Diaz  regularly  made  his  nephew  the 
head  of  his  own  personal  bodyguard,  where  he  could  at  once 
take  care  of  him  and  see  that  he  did  a  minimum  of  harm.  His 
lack  of  judgment  and  of  skill  in  developing  a  plan  of  action  were 
strikingly  brought  out  in  his  fiasco  at  Vera  Cruz  in  October, 
1912.  His  vacillation,  weakness  of  character,  and  cowardice, 
came  out  fully  in  connection  with  his  futile  mission  to  Japan, 
and  the  events  which  grew  out  of  it.  Only  the  most  ignorant 
observer  of  Mexican  affairs  could  seriously  urge  him  as  a  presi- 
dential possibility. 

VASQUEZ   GOMEZ 

There  is  more  propriety  in  the  mention  of  the  Vasquez 
Gomez  brothers.  Emilio  and  Francisco  Vasquez  Gomez  have 
been  leaders  in  the  democratic  struggle  which  has  now  been 
waging  in  Mexico  since  1910.  They  have  been  conspicuous  in 
the  councils  of  the  anti-reelection  leagues.  One  of  them  was 
the  legitimate  candidate  for  vice-president  upon  the  ticket  with 
Madero  for  president.  One  of  them  has  been  more  than  once 
proclaimed  provisional  president  of  Mexico;  the  proclamation 
has  always  taken  place  when  the  man  himself  was  in  a  place  of 
safety — El  Paso  or  near  the  border.  One  or  the  other  has  held 
position  in  connection  with  the  movements  of  the  day.  No  one 
denies  that  they  are  men  of  ability.  They  speak  well  perhaps, 
certainly  write  well,  and  have  high  conceptions  and  ideals.  But 
experience  has  failed  to  prove  that  they  are  strong  men  of 


428 


WHAT  WILL  COME? 


WHAT  WILL  COME? 


429 


430  WHAT  WILL  COME? 

courage.  They  can  plan  and  advise ;  it  is  doubtful  whether  they 
can  lead,  control.  They  are  men  for  cabinet  offices  or  heads  of 
bureaus,  not  presidents. 

FEDERICO    GAMBOA 

There  is  no  question  that  Federico  Gamboa  is  a  man  of 
power.  As  a  literary  man,  he  has  few  if  any  superiors  in  the 
Eepublic.  He  has  had  wide  experience  in  the  field  of  diplomacy ; 
he  had  been  connected  with  legations  in  Latin  America,  in 
Europe,  in  the  United  States.  He  can  be  trusted  to  deal  with 
delicate  and  complicated  matters  of  statesmanship.  There  is 
no  question  that  in  the  recent  exchange  of  diplomatic  papers 
between  Mexico  and  ourselves,  he  beat  us  absolutely.  With  all 
due  respect  to  our  own  peerless  leader,  whom  I  highly  appre- 
ciate and  respect,  Mr.  Bryan  is  no  match  for  Senor  Gamboa. 
It  is  legitimate,  in  looking  over  the  field,  for  a  man  of  power 
and  leadership,  to  think  of  him.  Under  ordinary  circumstances, 
Gamboa  would  not  be  outside  the  range  of  presidential  possi- 
bilities. If  Mexico  were  at  peace,  and  a  duly-elected  president 
were  going  out  of  power  at  the  termination  of  his  period  of 
office,  and  a  new  election  were  to  take  place  under  peaceful 
circumstances,  Gamboa  would  be  a  proper  and  strong  candidate. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  he  is  a  man  of  sufficient  strength  and 
energy,  push,  enterprise,  and  magnetism  to  succeed  fully  and 
lead  a  party  at  this  time.  Still,  as  a  compromise  between  dif- 
ferent factions,  where  it  was  recognized  that  all  must  yield 
something  and  unite  behind  a  leader  who  represented  no  strong 
group,  he  is  not  inconceivable. 

DE  LA  BARRA 

There  is  no  doubt  that  many  believe  that  the  only  hope  of 
Mexico  in  the  present  crisis  is  de  la  Barra.  In  his  political 
history  and  natural  connections  he  is  affiliated  of  course  with 
the  old  regime.  It  is  likely  that  his  natural  inclinations  con- 
nect him  with  what  fragments  of  the  old  cientifico  group  remains. 
He  is  by  nature  conservative.  When  ambassador  at  Washing- 


WHAT  WILL  COME?  431 

ton,  he  made  few  mistakes,  and  his  diplomatic  training  is  good. 
During  the  interim  between  the  Diaz  and  Madero  administra- 
tions, he  proved  himself  a  man  of  considerable  character  and 
with  some  qualities  of  leadership.  He  did  not  like  Madero 
nor  the  new  order;  but  he  submitted  to  many  things  which  he 
must  have  found  most  hard  to  bear,  and  emerged  from  a  severe 
trial  with  a  very  considerable  respect  from  the  general  public. 
He  is  far  from  being  a  man  of  the  pronounced  views  and  strong 
ideals  desirable  at  the  present  moment.  If  in  office,  he  would 
be  forced  continually  to  make  concessions  to  popular  demands. 
It  is  possible  that  he  has  learned  the  lesson  and  is  wise  enough 
to  profit  by  it.  If  so,  there  is  actually  no  stronger  candidate 
at  present  in  sight.  In  the  line  of  natural  development,  he 
seems  to  be  the  most  likely  man.  There  is  danger  that  he 
would  fail  to  rise  to  the  full  height  of  the  occasion.  It  is  not, 
however,  impossible,  and  Mexico's  friends  might  wish  that  he 
had  a  chance  to  prove  his  fitness. 

HUERTA 

Victoriano  Huerta,  the  present  incumbent,  has  been  made 
a  serious  problem.  His  treachery  aroused  a  feeling  of  natural 
repugnance  in  American  minds;  his  blood-stained  hands,  red 
with  the  blood  of  the  man  who  depended  upon  him  and  to  whom 
he  owed  wealth,  power,  and  position,  shocked  us.  From  certain 
points  of  view  he  is  a  monster.  At  first  he  had  no  great  fol- 
lowing, and  could  not  have  been  considered  strong  in  his  posi- 
tion. There  is  little  doubt  that,  left  to  himself,  he  would  have 
been  promptly  eliminated.  We  need  not  have  recognized  his 
government  until  it  proved  itself  worthy  of  recognition  through 
itself.  Had  we  been  content  simply  with  non-recognition,  the 
Mexican  people  would  have  made  short  shrift  of  him.  He  would 
have  been  as  certainly  hurled  from  power  in  a  few  weeks  as 
the  morrow's  sun  will  rise.  But  he  was  made  a  martyr ;  he  was 
put  into  the  position  of  the  leader  of  a  people  who  were  brow- 
beaten and  directed  from  outside.  Our  attitude  aroused  sym- 
pathy, which  the  man  himself  would  probably  never  have  gained. 
He  has  developed  unexpected  strength;  he  has  in  many  ways 


432  WHAT  WILL  COME? 

proved  himself  a  leader ;  he  is  a  more  respected  and  respectable 
'figure  today  than  months  ago.  In  fact,  many  persons  in  Mexico, 
in  the  United  States,  in  Europe,  today  consider  Huerta  a  strong 
man,  and  look  on  him  as  something  of  a  ruler.  A  much  worse 
policy  might  be  pursued  than  to  supply  him  with  the  sinews 
of  war  and  to  see  what  he  could  do  in  republican  Mexico.  He 
is  a  man  of  the  Diaz  type ;  in  a  sense  he  is  an  anachronism.  A 
man  of  the  Diaz  type  is  not  the  ideal  leader  for  the  moment. 
It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the  ideal  leader  exists  or  can 
be  summoned  forth.  It  is  certain  that  the  savior  of  Mexico  in 
the  future,  as  in  the  past,  will  be  a  man  with  Indian  qualities- 
stubbornness,  persistence,  inflexibility.  If  the  Huerta  of  today, 
vastly  stronger  than  the  Huerta  of  a  year  ago,  is  not  the  proper 
leader,  he  will  be  eliminated  by  the  natural  operation  of  causes 
within  Mexico.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  country  or  the  world 
will  be  advantaged  by  his  elimination  through  influences  from 
without.  It  is  likely,  however,  that  Huerta  cannot  withstand  the 
powerful  American  influence  against  him.  He  has  been  crippled 
financially  by  it ;  probably  he  cannot  maintain  himself.  The  pity 
is  that  the  financial  crippling,  brought  about  intentionally  by 
outside  influence,  has  not  stopped  with  the  bloody-handed 
usurper. 

CARRANZA 

Last  of  the  long  list  is  Venustiano  Carranza.  He  has  been 
called  the  origin  of  the  Madero  revolution.  In  reality,  the 
attempt  to  nominate  him  as  an  independent  candidate  for  gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  Coahuila  was  Francisco  Madero 's  first 
actual  step  in  practical  politics.  The  effort  failed ;  the  election 
was  a  farce.  Carranza  remained  for  the  time  being  in  private 
life.  Afterward  he  was  with  Madero.  With  the  success  of  the 
Madero  movement,  Carranza  became  governor  of  Coahuila. 
Geographical  relations,  personal  friendship,  and  political  experi- 
ence indicated  him  as  the  leader  of  the  effort  to  avenge  the 
death  of  the  martyr  president.  He  is  a  man  of  energy.  He  has 
clean-cut  ideas.  His  leadership  has  met  with  much  success. 
Whether  as  a  civilian  he  can  hold  his  own  against  the  soldier 


WHAT  WILL  COME?  433 

Villa  remains  to  be  seen.  He  may  of  course  be  completely 
shelved  by  the  military  leader.  He  showed  unexpected  strength 
of  character  and  a  true  loyalty  in  his  dealings  with  President 
Wilson's  privately  appointed  embassy;  as  the  head  of  a  pro- 
visional government,  he  must  know  with  whom  he  .deals.  His 
announcement  that  he  would  execute  Huerta,  Diaz,  Blanquet, 
Mondragon,  Garcia  Granados,  Eodolfo  Reyes  and  Francisco 
de  la  Barra,  when  he  comes  actually  to  power  shocks  us,  but 
would  shock  few  Mexicans.  It  is  unlikely  too  that,  once  in  power, 
he  would  actually  c'arry  out  his  threat.  Madero  made  similar 
promises  but  failed  to  keep  them.  It  is  quite  probable  that 
Carranza  really  would  execute  Huerta  and  Diaz  if  he  could 
place  hands  upon  them.  It  is  quite  certain  if  Carranza  enters 
the  capital  city  Felix  Diaz  would  be  in  a  place  of  safety;  it  is 
less  likely  that  Huerta  would  fly  from  his  impending  doom. 
Carranza 's  warning  to  foreign  countries  against  loans  made  to 
the  Huerta  government  is  a  common  expedient  among  revolu- 
tionaries. It  is  neither  a  masterstroke  of  statesmanship  nor 
political  folly.  History  has  shown  that  such  threats  are  rarely 
carried  through;  if  Carranza  were  actually  to  come  to  power, 
after  some  diplomatic  squirming,  he  would  be  likely  to  recognize 
the  foreign  claims  and  meet  the  obligations. 

THE   QUALITIES    NECESSAKY 

If  Huerta  falls,  whoever  comes  to  power  must  be  a  compro- 
mise. He  must  in  part  represent  the  past  with  all  its  wrongs ; 
he  must,  however,  if  he  is  to  remain  in  control,  be  ready  to 
yield  to  the  growing  demands  for  change.  He  must  have  some 
record  of  achievement — either  as  a  military  man  or  as  a  leader 
of  reform ;  and  he  must  have  some  name.  He  must  have  some- 
thing of  the  iron  hand,  must  to  some  degree  override  the  con- 
stitution, must  act  with  force  in  crises — but  he  must  have 
thoroughly  learned  his  lesson  from  the  events  of  the  past  three 
years.  He  must  be  genuinely  Mexican — not  too  favorable  to  the 
United  States,  and  yet  ready  to  be  just  to  us  and  to  the  world. 
He. must  needs  grapple  with  great  problems.  He  must  realize 


434  WHAT  WILL  COME? 

to  what  degree  foreign  investment  in  his  country  is  a  danger 
to  the  nation ;  he  must  check  the  present  inflow  of  outside  capital 
without  jeopardizing  the  rights  of  that  already  there;  he  must 
encourage  the  development  of  natural  resources  through 
nationalism.  He  must  lead  in  the  movement  to  restore  lands 
to  little  owners,  which  have  been  taken  from  them  by  unjust  laws, 
not  understood  by  those  to  wrhom  they  were  applied.  He  must 
decide  to  what  degree  legitimate  old  estates  should  be  divided 
and  sold  on  favorable  terms  to  little  holders.  He  must  lead  in 
the  movement  of  general  education  of  the  people.  He  must 
know  the  meaning  of  a  rising  middle  class.  He  must  realize 
that  one  term  of  office  of  six  years'  duration  is  the  period  of 
his  actual  usefulness  and  should  emphasize  the  cry  of  anti- 
reelection,  applying  it  absolutely  to  himself.  He  should  reiterate 
the  motto  of  effective  suffrage  and  should  use  the  power  of  his 
office  to  train  the  people  in  the  exercise  of  their  constitutional 
right  of  voting.  He  should  deal  with  the  hideous  question  of 
peonage.  The  problems  that  face  him  are  problems  that  are 
analogous  to  our  own;  they,  however,  are  Mexican  problems, 
and  must  be  dealt  with  from  the  Mexican  point  of  view. 

We  have  considered  the  list  of  known  men  who  stand  before 
us.  But  the  man  for  the  crisis  may  be  a  new  man.  There  are 
men  who  are  not  conspicuous,  who  may  meet  the  needs.  A  man 
like  Ahumada  may  arise  and  develop  into  power.  As  likely  as 
not,  the  right  man,  when  he  comes,  may  not  come  through  an 
election.  He  is  more  likely  to  come  out  of  strife  and  struggle ; 
he  is  likely  to  seize  power.  The  sooner  he  comes,  the  better. 
When  he  comes,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  we  will  not  make  impos- 
sible demands  as  the  condition  of  his  recognition. 


INTERVENTION 

A  WILD  PKOJECT EFFECT  OF  ANNEXATION COST  OF   WAR WE  WILL 

NOT   COLONIZE   MEXICO PROTECTION    OF   INVESTMENTS POSITION 

OF   THE   INVESTOE A   MEXICAN    PROBLEM    ONLY A    MIDDLE   CLASS 

NEEDED PERSONAL   POLITICS TYPE   OF   NATION   LIKELY. 

SHOULD    we    intervene?      Must    we    intervene?      No,    a 
thousand    times    no,    for    their    sake    and    fx>r    ours,    we 
should  keep  hands  off.     Every  right  thinking  American 
who  knows  Mexico,  and  who  knows  the  points  involved,  must 
thank  the  President  for  his  insistency  upon  maintaining  peace. 
We  may  regret  the  exact  form  of  his  policy,  we  may  feel  that 
he  has  made  mistakes,  but  his  fundamental  principle  is  right, — 
there  ought  to  be  no  war, — and  intervention  is  war. 

A    WILD    PROJECT 

It  is  impossible  for  us  to  march  to  Mexico  City,  seize  it, 
appoint  a  provisional  president,  and  withdraw.  There  is  no 
use  of  trying  to  deceive  ourselves  and  others.  If  we  go  to 
Mexico,  we  must  occupy  the  whole  republic.  There  is  no  pos- 
sible alternative.  To  enter  Mexico  and  occupy  will  take  time, 
money  and  frightful  toll  of  human  life.  It  would  be  unjust 
aggression.  Its  final  result  would  involve  land  grabbing.  We 
would  either  hold  the  whole  of  the  republic,  or  we  would  cut 
off  the  northern  states  and  add  them  to  our  area.  There  are  of 
course  plenty  who  look  upon  this  as  our  manifest  destiny.  It 
is  unfortunate  if  it  should  prove  manifest  destiny,  because  it 
would  spell  our  ruin. 

EFFECT    OF    ANNEXATION 

To  add  Mexico  to  our  republic  or  to  add  the  northern  tier 
of  states  would  be  infinitely  bad  for  us.  It  would  be  the  greatest 
of  misfortunes  for  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans.  We  are  fond  of 
talking  of  assimilation.  We  have  never  assimilated  anything. 

435 


436 


INTERVENTION 


INTERVENTION 


437 


438  INTERVENTION 

We  have  not  assimilated  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  after  sixty- 
five  years  of  ownership.  We  have  not  assimilated  the  millions 
of  negroes  in  the  South.  We  have  not  assimilated  the  Filipino, 
nor  the  Hawaiian,  nor  the  Porto  Rican.  We  have  not  only  not 
assimilated  them,  we  are  nationally  today  the  weaker  for  their 
presence. 

To  take  over  all  or  part  of  Mexico  would  be  no  advantage 
to  its  people,  would  harm  us,  and  would  profit  only  a  handful 
of  individuals  to  whom  we  owe  no  great  consideration. 

COST  OF  WAR 

The  war  for  the  conquest  of  Mexico  has  been  much  dis- 
cussed. Some  claim  that  it  would  require  600,000  soldiers  and 
a  period  of  ten  years;  others  claim  that  it  could  be  done  with 
150,000  men  and  two  years'  time.  This  is  not  the  actual  ques- 
tion, but  only  selfish  and  commercial  features  of  the  problem. 
It  is  not  the  size  of  the  army,  nor  the  expense,  nor  the  time 
involved  which  are  significant.  Far  more  important  is  the  fact 
that  such  a  war  of  conquest  is  unjust  in  itself.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  conditions  of  the  moment  to  excuse  it.  The  price  of  war 
is  not  a  mere  question  of  dollars  and  time, — it  is  more  seriously 
a  question  of  blood  and  brutalizing.  A  nation  which  issues 
from  a  war  of  conquest  against  a  smaller,  poorer  nation  suffers 
far  more  than  it  inflicts.  Its  ideals,  its  character,  its  life  are 
lowered.  How  heavily  has  our  nation  paid  for  its  inglorious 
war  with  Spain.  Not  only  did  it  cost  money  and  time  and 
blood.  Its  toll  of  disease  and  weakened  moral  fiber  is  a  far 
more  serious  matter;  and  by  it  we  lost  those  ideals  for  which 
our  nation  stood  through  more  than  a  century  of  independent 
life.  This  last  was  the  heaviest  part  of  the  price. 

WE    WILL    NOT    COLONIZE    MEXICO 

It  is  no  accident  that  our  Scandinavian  emigrants  drift  to 
the  moraine  country  of  Minnesota;  that  the  Hollanders  settle 
down  upon  the  flat  green  fields  and  pastures  of  Michigan ;  that 
the  Scotch-Irish  settle  in  our  eastern  hills ;  it  is  just  as  certainly 


INTERVENTION  439 

no  accident  that  Spaniards  drifted  to  Mexico.,  They  are  at 
home  in  those  surroundings.  We  never  would  be.  We  shall 
never  fill  up  Mexico.  Our  migrations  will  be  isothermic  and 
latitudinal.  If  we  should  attempt  the  occupancy  of  Mexico  by 
means  of  actual  colonization,  we  should  again  pay  a  frightful 
price,  physically,  intellectually,  morally.  We  would  be  changed.' 
Is  it  worth  while  for  a  considerable  portion  of  our  population 
to  become  Mexican?  We  have  stated  the  improbability  of  this 
migration  taking  place  upon  a  large  scale.  To  whatever  extent 
it  would  occur,  the  American  aggregate  would  lose. 

PROTECTION    OF   INVESTMENTS 

The  only  influence  active  toward  producing  intervention  and 
a  war  of  conquest  is  the  investor.  We  are  constantly  informed 
that  we  must  protect  American  financial  interests  in  Mexico. 
The  investor  in  Mexico  puts  his  money  there  because  he  hopes 
to  gain  a  return  larger  than  his  money  should  produce.  He 
has  a  right  to  do  so  if  he  chooses,  but  he  should  carry  his  own 
risk.  He  knows  there  is  a  risk;  he  has  no  right  to  ask  us  to 
carry  that  risk  for  him.  If  every  penny  of  American  capital 
invested  in  Mexico  were  wiped  out  of  existence,  there  should  be 
no  armed  interference  on  our  part.  Two  other  points  affect  the 
question.  We  are  often  told  that  $900,000,000  of  American 
capital  is  invested  in  Mexico.  It  is  certain  that  much  of  this  is 
fictitious  value.  There  are  plenty  of  companies  in  Mexico  capi- 
talized at  $100,000  which  have  never  had  $20,000  actual  money 
put  in  the  enterprise.  As  Turner  says,  l  '  Oceans  of  water ' '  in 
the  great  railway  merger.  We  of  course  think  of  piling  up 
claims  against  Mexico  to  the  extent  of  $900,000,000.  How  much 
legitimate  claim  would  be  left  after  a  Hague  court  investigated 
that?  Again,  it  must  be  remembered  that  a  very  large  amount 
of  this  American  capital  is  invested  in  "tainted"  concessions. 
Most  of  the  foreign  enterprises  favored  during  the  regimes  of 
Diaz  and  Madero  were  never  submitted  for  approval  to  the 
Mexican  people  and  are  not  to  their  advantage.  It  is  interest- 
ing by  the  way  to  notice  that  the  constitutionalists  threaten  to 


440  INTERVENTION 

deal  seriously  with  this  whole  matter  of  tainted  concessions. 
Would  that  they  might!  But  if  they  should,  will  our  Govern- 
ment support  them? 

POSITION   OF   THE  INVESTOR 

The  investor  in  Mexico  deserves  no  sympathy  from  us;  to 
the  degree  that  he  places  his  money  yonder,  he  is  unpatriotic. 
He  has  a  right,  of  course,  to  place  his  money  where  he  pleases, 
yet  a  true  patriotism  and  an  enlightened  appreciation  of  con- 
ditions would  lead  him  to  keep  money  here.  There  is  not  as  yet 
a  single  state  in  our  whole  Union,  not  even  New  York,  Pennsyl- 
vania, or  Ohio,  which  is  legitimately  developed.  We  have  as  yet 
no  genuine  conception  of  the  development  of  any  area.  We  have 
always  been  cursed  by  the  fact  of  greater  opportunity  in  a  new 
section.  We  have  drifted  here  and  there  in  the  hope  of  getting 
sudden  wealth  with  small  outlay  of  labor.  It  has  been  a  great 
misfortune  to  ourselves.  It  has  had  a  frightfully  destructive 
influence  upon  the  world  at  large.  It  will  be  a  good  thing  when 
we  are  more  confined  in  our  possibilities.  Real  patriotism,  not 
the  blatant  kind,  would  lead  men  to  utilize  their  capital  in  the 
development  of  the  region  in  which  they  were  born. 

A   MEXICAN   PROBLEM    ONLY 

Mexico  and  the  Mexicans  ought  to  work  out  their  own  salva- 
tion. It  sounds  well  in  newspapers  to  say  that  we  desire  to 
help  Mexico  to  solve  her  problems.  It  is  the  White  Man's  Bur- 
den. It  is  meddling.  Mexico  knows  her  problems  as  no  out- 
sider can.  If  they  are  to  be  solved,  she  must  solve  them.  We 
can  best  help  by  solving  our  own  problems,  and  heaven  knows 
we  have  enough  of  these. 

Mexico  is  what  it  is  because  of  its  geography,  its  climate, 
its  streams,  its  mountains,  valleys,  deserts,  forests.  Its  alti- 
tudes, its  atmosphere,  make  a  people  different  from  ourselves. 
Its  people  are  Indian,  or  a  mixture  of  Indian  with  Spanish. 
The  race  qualities  are  different  from  ours ;  feeling  is  different ; 
sentiment  is  different ;  point  of  view  is  different.  It  is  impos- 


INTERVENTION  441 

sible  for  us  to  think  for  them,  feel  for  them,  act  for  them,  decide 
their  questions.  All  that  we  need  to  do  is  to  keep  hands  off. 

A    MIDDLE    CLASS    NEEDED 

Mexico  will  never  be  at  peace  until  a  middle  class  arises. 
It  has  been  a  land  of  very  rich  and  very  poor,  of  masters  and 
slaves.  A  middle  class  is  rising;  it  will  come.  The  common 
people  of  Mexico  are  thinking,  reading,  talking, — more  than  they 
have  ever  done  before.  Before  the  Conquest,  Mexico  was  occu- 
pied by  many  small  tribes,  absolutely  separated  and  hopelessly 
divided.  They  were  ridden  by  their  rulers  and  their  priests. 
That  was  in  the  old  days  of  paganism.  Mexico  of  today  is  still 
a  people  divided.  It  is  still  ridden  by  rulers,  and  by  priests. 
If  it  is  to  become  a  great  nation,  it  must  be  unified.  It  can  only 
be  so  through  education,  thought,  and  struggle.  Its  greatest 
curse  has  ever  been  personal  politics.  In  the  direction  of 
political  parties  with  definitely  presented  platforms  of  prin- 
ciples much  of  its  hope  of  advancement  lies.  Notwithstanding 
the  discouraging  aspect  of  the  moment,  notwithstanding  the 
Madero  failure,  the  Juarez  failure,  the  Guerrero  failure, — it 
has  made  progress,  and  it  will  make  progress  in  these 
directions. 

TYPE    OF    NATION    LIKELY 

But  no  matter  how  Mexico  may  advance,  it  will  never  be 
like  us, — it  ought  not  to  be  so.  Latin  America  does  not  admire 
our  style.  She  does  not  look  northward  for  her  patterns. 
James  Bryce,  in  his  book  on  South  America,  strongly-  empha- 
sizes the  fact  that  the  republics  to  our  south  look  to  Europe  for 
advice,  direction,  pattern  and  example.  They  look  to  Spain 
and  Portugal,  Italy,  and  above  all,  to  France.  There  are  two 
types  of  republics  conspicuous  in  the  world  at  present.  When 
Mexico  reaches  an  equilibrium,  and  she  will  if  we  permit,  she 
will  present  a  nation  like  the  French  Republic, — not  like  the 
United  States. 


INTERVENTION 


NOT  AN  UNIQUE  ELECTION.  MUCH  LIKE    THOSE    OF   DIAZ,   AND   PINO 
SUAEETZ  AND   OTHERS 


LEADING   EVENTS   IN   MEXICAN   HISTORY 


1518.  Expedition  of  Grijalva  to  Yucatan. 

1519.  Cortes  lands  in  Mexico. 

1521.  Conquest  of  Mexico  achieved:  destruction  of  Tenochtitlan. 
1524.  Arrival  of  Franciscan  missionaries. 

1527.  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  first  Bishop  of  Mexico. 

1528.  First  Audiencia  in  New  Spain. 

1529.  Second  Audiencia  in  New  Spain. 
1531.  Apparition  at  Guadalupe. 

1535.  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  first  Viceroy  of  New  Spain. 

1550.  Luis  de  Velasco,  second  Viceroy. 

1553.  University  of  Mexico  founded. 

1566.  Gaston  de  Peralta,  Viceroy. 

1568.  Martin  de  Enriques  de  Almanza,  Viceroy. 

1571.  Inquisition  established  in  America. 

1572.  Arrival  of  Jesuits  in  Mexico. 

1580.  Lorenzo  Juarez  de  Mendoza,  Viceroy. 

1584.  Pedro  Moya  de  Contreras,  Archbishop  of  Mexico  and  Viceroy. 

1585.  Alvaro  Manrique  de  Zuniga,  Viceroy. 

1590.  Luis  de  Velasco  (2d),  Marquis  of  Salinas,  Viceroy. 

1595.  Gaspar  de  Zufiiga  of  Acevedo,  Count  of  Monterey,  Viceroy. 

1603.  Juan  de  Mendoza  y  Luna,  Marquis  of  Montes  Glares,  Viceroy. 

1607.  Luis  de  Velasco  (2d)   again  Viceroy. 

1612.  Diego  Fernandez  de  Cordova,  Marquis  of  Guadalcazar,  Viceroy. 

1621.  Diego  Carrillo  Mendoza  y  Pimentel,  Marquis  of  Gelves,  Viceroy. 

1624.  Eodrigo  Pacheco  Osorio,  Viceroy. 

1635.  Lope  Diaz  de  Armendariz,  Viceroy. 

1640.  Diego  Lopez  Pacheco  Cabrero  y  Bobadillo,  Viceroy. 

1642.  Juan  de  Palafox,  Bishop  of  Puebla,  Viceroy:  later  Garcia  Sarmi- 

ento  Sotomayor,   Count  of  Salvatierra,  Viceroy. 
1648.  Marcos  Lopez  de  Torres  y  Rueda,  Bishop  of  Yucatan,  Viceroy. 
1650.  Luis  Enriques  de  Guzman,  Count  of  Alba  Liste,  Viceroy. 
1653.  Francisco  Fernandez  de  la  Cueva,  Viceroy. 
1660.  Juan  de  Leiva  y  de  la  Cerda,  Viceroy. 


1664.  Diego   Osorio    Escobar   y   Llamas,    Bishop   of   Puebla,    Viceroy; 

later,  Antonio  Sebastian  de  Toledo,  Viceroy. 
1673.  Pedro  Nuiio  Colon  de  Portugal  y  Castro,  Viceroy;  later,  Payo 

de  Rivera,  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  Viceroy. 
1680.  Tomas  Antonio  Manrique  de  la  Cerda,  Viceroy. 
1686.  Melchor   Portocarrerro   Laso   de   la  Vega,    Count   of   Monclova, 

Viceroy. 

1688.  Caspar  de  la  Cerda  Sandoval  Silva  y  Mendoza,  Viceroy. 
1696.  Juan  de  Ortega  Montanez,  Bishop  of  Michoacan,  Viceroy;  later, 

Jose  Sarmiento  Valladares,  Count  of  Moteczuma,  Viceroy. 
1701.  Juan  de  Ortega  Montanez,  again  Viceroy;  later,  Fernandez  de  las' 

Cuevas  Enriques,  Viceroy. 

1711.  Fernando  Alencastro  Norofia  y  Silva,  Viceroy. 
1716.  Baltasar  de  Zuiiiga  Guzman  Sotomayor  y  Mendoza,  Viceroy. 
1722.  Juan  de  Acuna,  Viceroy. 
1734.  Juan  Antonio  de  Vizarron  y  Eguiarreta,  Archbishop  of  Mexico, 

Viceroy. 

1740.  Pedro  de  Castro  Figueroa  y  Salazar,  Viceroy. 

1741.  Jose  Antonio  Villaseiior  y  Sanchez,  Cosmographer  of  New  Spain. 

1742.  Pedro  Cebrian  y  Augustin,  Viceroy. 

1746.  Juan  Francisco  de  Gueines  y  Horcasitas,  Viceroy. 

1755.  Augustin  de  Ahumada  y  Villalon,  Viceroy. 

1760.  Francisco  Cajigal  de  la  Vega,  Viceroy;  later,  Joaquin.  de  Mont- 

serrat,  Viceroy. 
1763.  Louisiana  acquired  by  Spain. 

1766.  Carlos  Francisco  de  Croix,  Viceroy. 

1767.  Expulsion  of  Jesuits  from  Spain  and  Spanish  America. 
1771.  Antonio  Maria  de  Bucareli  y  Ursua,  Viceroy. 

1779.  Martin  de  Mayorga,  Viceroy. 

1783.  Matias  de  Galvez,  Viceroy. 

1785.  Bernardo  de  Galvez,  Viceroy. 

1787.  Alonso  Nunez  de  Haro  y  Peralta,  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  Viceroy ; 

later,  Manuel  Antonio  Flores,  Viceroy. 
1789.  Juan  Vicente  Pacheco  de  Padilla,  Viceroy. 
1794.  Miguel  de  la  Grua  Talamanca,  Viceroy. 
1798.  Miguel  Jose  de  Azanza,  Viceroy. 

1800.  Felix  Berenguer  de  Marquina,  Viceroy. 

1801.  Louisiana  returned  to  France. 
1803.  Jose  de  Iturrigaray,  Viceroy. 


1808.  Intervention  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  in  Spanish  affairs;  acces- 

sion of  Ferdinand  VII  and  then  of  Joseph  Bonaparte ;  Iturrig- 
aray  deposed  and  Pedro  Garibay,  Viceroy. 

1809.  Franciso  Javier  Lizana,  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  Viceroy. 

1810.  Pedro  Catani,  Viceroy;  later,  Francisco  Javier  Venegas,  Viceroy. 

Grito  de  Dolores,  Sept.  15-16. 

1811.  Execution  of  Hidalgo  and  his  fellows. 

1813.  Congress   of   Chilpantzingo ;    Declaration   of   Independence   and 
First  Constitution. 

1815.  Jose  Maria  Morelos  executed. 

1816.  Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca,  Viceroy. 

1817.  Mina's  expedition. 

1820.  Inquisition  abolished. 

1821.  Francisco  de  Novella,  Viceroy;  Plan  of  Iguala  and  Treaty  of 

Cordoba;  Independence  achieved;  Regency  installed;  Juan  O' 
Donoju,  last  of  the  Viceroys. 

1822.  Congress  organized.     Iturbide  emperor,  Augustin  I. 

1823.  Abdication  of  Iturbide. 

1824.  United    States    of  Mexico ;     Constitution    proclaimed ;    Victoria 

Guadalupe  (Felix  Fernandez),  President. 

1828.  Yorkist  and  Scottish  masonry  in   conflict ;  Manuel   Gomez  Ped- 

raza,  President. 

1829.  Vicente    Guerrero,    President ;    Spanish    attempt   at   restoration : 

Jose   Maria   Bocanegra,    acting-President. 

1830.  Anastasio  Bustamante,  President. 

1832.  Melchor   Muzquiz,    acting   President;    Antonio    Lopez    de    Santa 
Anna,  President;  Valentin  Gomez  Farias,  Vice-President. 

1835.  Constitution  of  Las  Siete  Leyes;  Centralism. 

1836.  New  Constitution  effective;  General  Barragan,  acting-President; 

Jose  Justo  Corro,  acting-President;  Spain  acknowledges  Mex- 
ican Independence;  Texas  secedes. 

1840.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada  proposes  a  monarchial  government. 

1841.  Santa  Anna,  provisional  President. 

1842.  Javier   Echavarria,    acting   President;    Santa   Anna,   provisional 

President. 

1843.  Bases  Organicas  Politicas  Constitution;  extreme  Centralism. 

1845.  Impeachment  of  Santa  Anna;  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera,  President; 

Texas  annexed  to  the  United  States;  war  between  Mexico  and 
the  United  States. 

1846.  Mariano  Paredes  y  Arrillaga,  President;  war  of  invasion  begun; 

Nicolas  Bravo,  President;  Mariano   Salas,  President. 


1847.  Santa  Anna,   Gomez   Farias,   and  others,   President;   American 

forces  in  possession   of   Mexican   capital. 

1848.  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera,  President.    Treaty  of  Guadalupe-Hidalgo. 

1851.  Mariano  Arista,  President. 

1852.  Juan  Bautista  Ceballos,  President;  later,  Manuel  Maria  Lombar- 

dini,  acting  President. 

1853.  Santa  Anna,  President ;  proclaims  himself  perpetual  dictator. 

1854.  Juan  Alvarez  pronounces;  Plan  of  Ayotla;  Exile  of  Santa  Anna. 

1855.  Juan  Alvarez,  provisional  President,  later,   Ignacio   Comonfort. 

Ley  Juarez  passed. 

1856.  Ley  Lerdo  passed. 

1857.  New  Constitution  adopted.     Ignacio  Comonfort,  President;  reac- 

tion under  Felix  Zuloaga. 

1858.  Comonfort  abdicates;   Benito  Juarez,  as  President  of  Supreme 

Court,  succeeds  him;   Zuloaga,   Migual  Miramon,   and   others 
attempt  a  counter-government. 

1859.  Juarez  government  in  Vera  Cruz;  War  of  the  Reform. 

1860.  Juarez  returns  to  the  capital. 

1861.  Juarez   elected   President;   suspension   of   payments  on   foreign 

debts  precipitates  intervention :  Treaty  of  London. 

1862.  Convention  of  Soledad,  Conference  of  Orizaba,  and  withdrawal 

of  English  and  Spanish  from  Mexico;  French  advance;  battle 
of  Puebla. 

1863.  French  advance;  capture  Puebla  and  Mexico;  Juarez  government 

retreats  northward — San  Luis  Potosi,  Saltillo,  Monterey;  Max- 
imilian becomes  Emperor. 

1864.  Maximilian  arrives  at  Mexico;  Juarez  government  at  Chihuahua. 

1865.  Juarez  government  at  Paso  del  Norte;  United  States  demands 

withdrawal  of  French  troops. 

1867.  End  of  Empire;  execution  of  Maximilian;  Juarez  returns  to  Mex- 
ico; is  elected  constitutional  President. 

1871.  Juarez  re-elected. 

1872.  Death  of  Juarez;  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  President. 

1876.  Plan  of  Tuxtepec;  Porfirio  Diaz,  provisional  President;  United 

States  delays  recognition. 

1877.  Porfirio  Diaz  elected  constitutional  President;  mutiny  at  Vera 

Cruz ;  Escobedo  's  rebellion. 

1880.  Manuel  Gonzales  elected  President ;  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  visited  Mex- 
ico. 

1884.  Porfirio  Diaz  elected;  second  term. 

1888.  Porfirio  Diaz  elected;  third  term. 


1889.  Mexico  participated  in  First  Pan- American  Conference  at  Wash- 
ington. 

1892.  President  Diaz  re-elected;  fourth  term. 

1894.  Difficulty  with  Guatemala;  agreement  reached,  April  1,  1895. 
1896.  President  Diaz  re-elected :  fifth  term. 

1899.  Mexico  raised  to  a  nation  of  ambassadorial  rank.    May.    Mexico 

participated  in  the  First  Hague  Peace  Conference. 

1900.  President  Diaz  re-elected;  sixth  term. 

1901.  Diplomatic  relations  resumed  with  the  Austro-Hungarian  govern- 

ment.    Second  Pan-American  Conference  held  at  the  City  of 
Mexico. 

1902.  Pius  claims  submitted  to  the  Hague  Court;  decision  against  Mex- 

ico. 
1904.  President  Diaz  re-elected;  seventh  term;  term  extended  to  six 

years;  Ramon  Corral  elected  Vice-President. 
Territory  of  Quintana  Roo  organized. 

.  Gold  standard  adopted. 

-.  Mexican  railways  consolidated  under  government  control. 

1906.  Mexico  participated  in  the  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference. 

1907.  Mexico    participated   in    Washington    Conference   upon    Central 

American  affairs,  which  established  the  High  Court  at  Cartago, 
Costa  Rica.    Elihu  Root  visited  Mexico. 

1909.  Political  agitation;  Bernardo  Reyes  sent  on  military  mission  to 

Europe. 

1910.  Porfirio  Diaz  re-elected  President;  eighth  term;  Ramon  Corral 

re-elected  Vice-President.     Francisco  I.  Madero,  a  presidential 
candidate. 

Nov.  18.  Aquiles  Serdan  incident  in  Puebla. 
20.     Outbreak  of  Madero  revolution. 

1911.  May  10.  Ciudad  Juarez  taken  by  the  insurgents;  Madero 's  pro- 

visional government  established. 

May  25.  Porfirio  Diaz  resigns  the  presidency;  Francisco  de  la 
Barra,  President  interim. 

August  2.  Yasquez  Gomez  element  forced  out  of  provisional  cab- 
inet. 

October  1.  Madero  elected  President;  Jose  Maria  Pino  Suarez, 
Vice-President.  Inaugurated  November  11. 

1912.  February  1.  Emilio  Vasquez  Gomez  named  for  provisional  Presi- 

dent by  anti-Maderists. 
March.  Orozco   revolution  launched. 


October  16.  Gen.  Felix  Diaz  siezes  Vera  Cruz;  October  23  his 
revolution  fails. 

November-December.     Zapatists    in    continued    rebellion,    show 

dangerous  activity. 

1913.  February  9.  Diaz-R^yes  revolution  begins;  nine  days'  battle  in 
the  City  of  Mexico ;  Madero  and  Pino  Suarez  murdered  Feb- 
ruary 22-23. 

19.  Victoriano  Huerta  recognized  provisional  President. 


